How Albanians are (not) defending Montenegro

The people of Ulcinj have risen up against "Dubization", processes that Serbia and Albania are going through with contracts signed by governments that have distanced themselves from democratic identity and the norms of transparency and law. This could be a cause for the entire country and democracy in it.

1.

Two developments are taking place in Montenegro within these five years, both of which in one form or another define part of the identity of this state and in both of which Albanians are becoming actors of a specific weight.

In the first, in 2020, in fact, not the entire Albanian community of this country became, but only one of its members, Prime Minister Abazović. Elected to this post as a desired (or projected) compromise between the two antagonized political camps in this country, the one identified with the uncontested power of Djukanović since the first multi-party elections and the opposition that identified to a large extent with pro-Serbian policies, Prime Minister Abazović signed the Fundamental Agreement between this country and the Serbian Orthodox Church on behalf of Montenegro.

Even if he had not been Albanian, such a gesture would have been contradictory, due to the fact that a significant part of the population, which had won almost half of the seats in the Assembly in the recently held elections, was against this agreement. The fact that he was Albanian was not helpful; at best, he should have considered that he was uninvited to deal with a document that has an impact on the identity issues of Montenegro, the relationship between the Montenegrin and Serbian nations, as well as the always delicate relationship between the independence of this state and the attempt at domination by the various powers of Serbia.

The ugliest image of this action was not the non-public signing of the Agreement with a delegation that arrived secretly and surrounded by special police, but the assumption of office by Metropolitan Joanikije in a helicopter landing in Cetinje, together with the head of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Porfirije, while a number of Montenegrin citizens opposed this act, because they considered the sacred object in Cetinje to be part of their identity.

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2.

Montenegro is now facing a different identity challenge and Albanians are once again playing a role. The government of this country has signed a strategic agreement (although this time not surrounded by special police) with “Eagle Hills”, the well-known company of the businessman of the United Arab Emirates, Mohamed Al Alabbar. This time the issue is not about language, religion or ethnic origin, but nevertheless it is a dispute between the citizens and the government about the identity of Montenegro. Indeed, about one of the key identity issues of the nature of the state, the use of its wealth for the needs of its citizens.

The battle has begun in Ulcinj, a city with an Albanian majority and a tradition of Muslim believers among this population. But, unlike other identity conflicts, this one has nothing to do with ethnicity or faith. The community of Ulcinj, led by the mayor, is opposing the agreement between Montenegro and “Eagle Hills” based on a simple premise: the benefits of Ulcinj should be used economically and primarily by this community. “Eagle Hills” claims that with land donated by the state (and other fiscal incentives) it will develop the Big Beach; the people of Ulcinj claim that they can do this themselves, and that they are even doing it and thus ensuring their own well-being.

The question that the people of Ulcinj have asked is conceptual: why give up our public land and work for "Eagle Hills", when we can work for our families and community?

3.

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The question of the people of Ulcinj transcends their community and, as has been seen in recent days, has become one of the fundamental issues of political conflict in the state, and has even become integrated into the conflict between its own prime minister and president, once fellow travelers in the overthrow of Djukanovic's government. 
This question even transcends the political conflict itself (which may have various sources from the past, including the issue of the Church). The question concerns the nature of power and the state itself. 

Similar contracts to what Eagle Hills has proposed to Montenegro have been signed and implemented in Serbia and Albania. In both cases, citizens have heard little from their representatives (the president of Serbia and the prime minister of Albania). Both leaders have explained more or less how the investment by Eagle Hills will “dubbed” their country - Belgrade with high-rise buildings on the river and Durres with luxury buildings around the former port. Both leaders have omitted explanations of why land will be donated and tax incentives given, why the uncompetitive nature of the projects and why the amount that the state will earn within 20 years does not cover the economic rationale of the agreement. And, that all parties have agreed to hide the sources of financing, a way that could encourage anyone who has money from anywhere and earned in any form to bring it, as it suits him, and be an investor.

The nature of the powers that have signed these contracts with "Eagle Hills" has been and is consistently moving away from democratic control and moving ever closer towards personalized control, autocracy.

4.

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The battle of Ulcinj could now be shaping up as Montenegro's battle to simultaneously defend its economic sovereignty and the democratic nature of the state. This could also include the protection of the country's identity and ecology; why shouldn't Montenegro resemble itself, but should it resemble Dubai?

While in 2020, an Albanian was uninvitedly involved in a sensitive identity issue, this time a community of Albanians (among them former Prime Minister Abazović) are building a cause together with other citizens of this country to protect the (economic) sovereignty of Montenegro. And, this cause can do even more for the identity health of this state.
The battle continues, and in it the citizens of Montenegro will perhaps show whether they can stand up to a model that strengthened increasingly undemocratic power in Serbia and Albania.