In the XNUMXth century, one of the most serious historians of Skenderbeology, Athanas Gegaj, stands out. He studied in France and received his doctorate at the University of Leuven in Dijon. His doctorate talks and focuses on Arbëria of the XNUMXth century and on the figure of Gjergj Kastriot Skënderbeu.
It is a disciplinary work where the criteria of a historian's perfectionism have been respected, referring to documents and the synthesis of analyzes by means of a scientific methodology. Athanas Gegaj's book was different from many previous books with the same subject and can be considered as a higher quote, as Fan Noli described it "is the most finished book that has seen the light until today, both in terms of form, from the subject, also from the documentary basis". For Athanas Gegajn, Arbëria has been the place that has felt the counter-shocks of the movements that have shocked the peoples of Southeast Europe, but especially in the XNUMXth century, together with the other Balkan states, it made a long and heroic stand, under the leadership of Skanderbeg and this is important not only for its history but also for European history. Many works and works have been written in this area, but they can be divided into two categories: on the one hand, these events were evoked by chroniclers, especially arborists, to revive the courage of their contemporaries, reminding them of the glories of their ancestors, on the other hand, those occupy an important place in the history of the peoples of Europe at the end of the Middle Ages and at the beginning of the modern era, and are important for the study of the fall of the Byzantine Empire. But, under the observation of Athanas Gegaj, "no work so far has been subjected to the critical study of these first events according to the Albanian point of view. However, their protective purpose expresses the historical value, therefore a new critical examination is necessary".
The history of the Albanian people in the 25th century is a very broad subject, it raises many and quite complicated questions. But the XNUMXth century is so important that it places the events of Skënderbejada in the framework of European history, especially since Arberia in this century was in the process and on the path of unification from a political point of view, that is, of a twinkling national consciousness. On the European plane, Skanderbeg's war is necessarily an inevitable connection in what is called the European factor, given the intense relations for almost XNUMX years with the Kingdom of Naples, the Republic of Venice, the Papacy, Ragusa and Hungary.
It should be noted that Athanas Gegaj's Dissertation relies on historical sources which he classifies as first-hand and second-hand. Athanas Gegaj considers the main source (of course first-hand) to be a work written in Latin by a certain Antonio d'Antivari, or Antibarensis (Tivarasin), who may have written it according to the information of his brother, an officer of Skenderbeu's guard. This work in Latin was used by the Italian historian Biemmi for his work dedicated to the history of Gjergj Kastriot that was first published in Brescia, Italy in 1742 and then in another new edition in 1756. The work of the so-called Tivarasi as Biemmi says it was found only in one copy of the book, in bad condition, a copy missing several leaves. Biemmi gives the title that was found at the end of the work "Historia Scanderbegu edita per quendam Albanesem, Venetus impressa industria atque impenda Erhardi Radolt de Augusta, anno Domini 1480, die 2 mensis aprilis ducante Joanne Mocenyco inclyto Duce". Biemmi mentions that the Latin writing was in Gothic letters and the publication was not divided into books or chapters. This story began with the arrival of Skenderbeu in Kruja and ended with the fall of the same city by Ballaban Pasha. Biemmi has extensively and substantially used the history of this Tivarasi, but has also used the data of Marin Barleti's book to fill the material gaps of his source, that is, of Tivarasi's work. Athanas Gegaj believes that Tivarasi's work is something real. That's why he writes: "It constitutes an outstanding work for the era, it gives us precious and accurate information about most of the events without exaggerating the importance, far from apologizing for Skenderbeu, it often criticizes his attitude, it does not hide the internal difficulties of the country and discovers the intrigues and conspiracies of its princes. First of all, it gives us "a battle history", but it also introduces us to very important facts about the internal state of the country and the customs of its inhabitants".
For Athanas Gegajn, the Chronicle of Tivarasi has served and serves as a chronicle with many values. But Gegaj also knows the negative criticism, as long as he does not forget to write: "There have been various hypotheses to attack the author of the History of Tivarasi, but all of these seem unstable. What we can affirm is that he was originally from Tivari and was apparently a cleric. Faullmerajer knows the author, but he has not seen his work, he wanted to identify him with Pal Engjëlli, the archbishop of Durrës, but nothing proves this calculation, on the contrary, this must be rejected, because Pal Engjëlli had died in 1469, while the work dates back to 1480". So Athanas Gegaj, thus, has no doubts and fully believes Biemmi's historical compilation based on a so-called authentic chronicle, but which for many modern scholars is nothing more than an apocryphal work that never existed. The second main source for Athanas Gegaj is the work of Marin Barleti. Barleti is a Rilindas humanist historian, who writes to ignite the national feeling of his compatriots. For him, Skanderbeg is a National Hero who should be compared to the heroes of antiquity, Alexander the Great, or Pyrrhus, Skanderbeg's life was a real drama, and therefore the main task of the historian should be to revive the episodes. But for Athanas Gegaj "Barleti's assertions are not all made up, it even seems that he had at his disposal numerous documents that served him for many parts of the work, valuable and very accurate notices, but the way he understood it his task has led him to do it in a slightly critical form". While the third source is that of Gjon Muzaka, a contemporary and comrade in arms of Skënderbeu. John fled to Italy, where in 1510 he wrote a chronicle about his family and the most important events of the time.
Although Gjon Muzaka's chronicle has parts that are not of interest to scientific history, such as a mythological story about the origins of the Coat of Arms of the Angels, or a fictional genealogy of the Muzaka family, still his chronicle constitutes a very precious document for the History of Arberia of the XV century. Muzaka has accounts similar to those of Barleti about Skenderbeu's youth, his stay in the Sultan's court, his return to Arberi, his conversion to Catholicism and the efforts to form the League of Lezha. But in other parts Muzaka is quite different from Barleti. It can be assumed that Muzaka knew Barleti's chronicle and probably copied or repeated the part that talks about Skanderbeg in his youth. But in fact, Gjon Muzaka does not pay much attention to Skenderbeu, and moreover it is clear that he does not sympathize with him. Here, he recognizes the military values of Skenderbeu, but he does not hesitate to say the dissatisfactions, that Skenderbeu grabbed the lands and properties of other Arbero feudal lords, for reasons of centralizing his own power. Regarding the second-hand chroniclers, Athanas Gegaj mentions several publications of the year 1539 and 1545 based "on the Latin manuscript of Abbot Demetrio Franco, treasurer of the hero Skënderbe, but according to Gegaj, these works are not of great importance because they depend on Barleti". Meanwhile, Athanas Gegaj mentions Byzantine sources, Turkish chroniclers as well as other archival sources.
Athanas Gegajt's book is important even today from the point of view of the overview, precursor and description of the internal situation of Arberia in the Middle Ages. This starts with the time of the fragmentation of the Roman Empire, where the countries later called the Balkans joined the Eastern Empire, which has determined their fate for many centuries. In the XNUMXth century, the weakening of Byzantium stimulated a great influx. The conquering Slavs embraced the civilization of the conquered peoples, embraced the Christian religion. But this invasion practically wiped out the Illyrian race in most of the peninsula, a large part of the old inhabitants lost their language and traditions. The only ones in the entire peninsula, the Arberians, descendants of the Illyrians, remained survivors, preserving their individuality. The spaces inhabited by Arberians in the Middle Ages were called Arbania, Arbanon, Rabon, Albania, Albanum and Albanon. The term "Arvania" appears in the last millennium of the XNUMXth century. In the XNUMXth century, we find the name "Arbanon" that the Byzantines called the territories located between Shkodra, Durrës, Ohrid and Prizren. Centuries later at the time of Karl Topia (1358-1388), named as "Dominus totius Albaniae ("lord of all Arberia"), Arbanon of the Byzantines was settled in the south of Arberia. In the Middle Ages, both the names Arbania and Albania are mentioned in many documents. In the letters of the Popes, "Arbanensis Princeps" and "Judex Albanorum" are mentioned, and in these names the feudal lords of Central Arberia are distinguished. Until the XNUMXth century, John Buzuku called this land "Arbëri". During the Middle Ages, the lands of Arbëri belonged to the Church of the West from a religious point of view, but after the Slavic invasion, the tendency to connect with the Church of the East of the Byzantine Empire became strong. However, the people of Arbëri maintained their ties with the church of the West, and Byzantine chroniclers often referred to Arbëria as "Latinia". The great arboretum families that played a role in medieval history are a few that deserve mention. In the XNUMXth century, Prince Progon ruled Central Arberia outside Serbian influence. During his reign he broke away from Byzantine power. The same thing was done by his brother Gjini and then Dhimitri. The big Topiaj family included two branches: the northern one named Topiaj and the southern one called Araniti-Komnena. The rule of Topiaj extends from Durrës to Artë, it owns the city of Kruja as far as Ohr. The Topias were related by marriage to the royal house of the Angevins of Naples. The most famous of this family, Tanush Topiaj, was known by the Pope with the title "Count Imatias, this title was also confirmed by King Robert in 1838. Andrea Topiaj, the son of Tanushi, married the illegitimate daughter of King Robert of Naples despite his objection that he had assigned the daughter to a Prince of Poleponese. Andrea had two sons: Karli and Gjergji. In 1358, Karl Topiaj owned Kruja and in 1363 he also took power in the city of Durrës. Topiaj became a powerful lord, fortified Kruja and Petrela Castle and built a monastery near Elbasan where he placed the relics of Saint John Vladimir and was buried in this monastery. From two letters of Pope Gregory XII it appears that Karl Topiaj was a Catholic. He died in 1388, leaving his son George as his successor, who died in 1392 and Durrës fell into the hands of Venice.
Athanas Gegaj, in the form of laconic synopses, also writes about other large families such as the Balshajs, the Dukagjins, the Kojaria family, the Jonim family, the Muzakaj family, and the Spataj family, but also about the arboretum families further south in Janina and Arta, such as it was the Zenebishte family or the Gropaj family based in the city of Ohrid. The Kastriot family also stops here to describe the origin and role of this family in history. For Athanas Gegajn, the Kastriots were a pure arboreal race, because "we have the clear testimony of Skenderbeu himself". Their oldest name is Mazreku, unknown by the chroniclers of the time, then it was replaced by the surname Kastrioti. For Gegaj, the Kastriot family got their first surname from the village of Mazreku, located between Shkodra and Drivasti, on the right bank of the Drin, while the surname Kastrioti, which has survived in history, is undoubtedly related to the locality of Kastri in Mirdita, which is located between the villages of Dibra. Minella, Kashnjet and Vigu. The Kastriots have owned a large part of the territories in the northeast of Shkodra and Lezha and up to Prizeren. In the west, they met with the properties of the Dukagjinas, which included the field of Zadrima and the locality of Fandi. But the boundaries that separated the properties of these two families cannot be precisely determined. During the strengthening of the state of the Balshais, the Dukagjinas and the Kastriots were expropriated from their property, but after the overthrow of the Balshais, the Kastriots regained their properties.
Gjon Kastrioti, Gjergj Kastrioti's father, is known as "God of Matt". He owned properties in the surroundings of Shkodra and Lezha. But the famous city of Kruja was not part of his properties. John Muzaka claims that the Kastriots owned Mati, but he does not accept that they were also the owners of the two Dibras. John had several castles such as Petrela, Steluš and Zvedigrad in the Upper Dibra. Gjon Kastrioti was associated with the Republic of Venice, in 1413 he was given the title of "Citizen of Honor". To save his life and possessions from the Turkish attacks in 1417, John was declared Vassal of Venice. Then Gjon Kastrioti, repulsed by the Turkish forces, sends his sons as hostages to Adrianople. He recognizes the Sultan's authority and calls him "myosignor". Although he has lost most of his properties, John is still the master of a part of the former territory. Towards the end of his life, Gjoni gets closer to the Republic of Ragusa. He died in 1443. His properties were taken by the Turks and Hasan Bey settled in Kruja, he was the son of Aydin Bey and Elena Muzaka.
For Athanas Gegaj, his wife Vojsava was "from a family of Albanian origin".
They gave birth to 4 sons, Reposh, Stanisha, Konstanini and Gjergji, and five daughters who all married arboretum lords, Marina with Stefan the Prince of Montenegro, Vllaica with Gjin Muzaka, Angjelina with Vlash Aranit, Gjergj Aranit's brother, Angjela or (Jella) with Pal Balsha, and Mamica with Muzak Topina. Gjergj Kastrioti was born around 1404-1405. In 1410, during the invasions of Murat II, Gjoni left one of his sons, probably Reposh, as a hostage. Between the years 1421-1422, John donated two villages to the Monastery of Hilandari in Athos in the name of his sons. Athanas Gegaj analyzes this fact like this: "This action has increased the curiosity of historians, if John was Catholic, while the boys had become Muslim, why their father donated these villages to an Orthodox monastery. How can this be explained? First, it is about an act performed before the hostage giving of Gjon Kastriot's sons. Then, if it is known for sure that Reposhi and Gjergji have converted to Islam, the others can be suspected. Given the fanaticism of the religion at the time, it was believed that their conversion to Islam was forced, in their view, it was an opportunistic move, giving the Sultan assurance of their loyalty. Regarding the gift that was given to the Orthodox Monastery, it is actually an exchange of property between John and the monks. But it can also be assumed that he gave this gift to the monks, which is not surprising because there were Orthodox among his people".
Athanas Gegaj describes the story of Skanderbeg's youth according to tradition, that he went as a hostage, managed to become the favorite of the Sultan, joined the Janissaries and participated in several battles in Asia Minor. Since he returned to Turkey, he was called Iskender, and since he was of high origin, they added the title of bey or beg, and hence the name Skënderbej or Skënderbeg. After John's death in 1443, the Sultan appointed Hasan Beu governor of Kruja and ordered him to conquer all the fortresses of the Kastriots that were taken without resistance. Skenderbeu's mother and her little daughter Mamica hid in an unknown place in Mati. Vojsava died there before his son's return. In 1443, in the battle of Kunovica near Nis, the Turkish army was led by Karabeg, the Pasha of Rumelia and Skenderbeu. Skanderbeg left his positions and after defeating the Turks, together with his nephew and 300 knights, after they took the forged order from the Chancellor of the Sultan naming him lord of Kruja, he returned to Kruja. As soon as he returned to the world, Skenderbeu called himself a Christian, then he took the fortress of Petrela and Spellushi and a little later Stefigrad. This historical moment is called in a double way as "The liberation of Skenderbeu and the liberation of Arberia". Right now, the great and unparalleled Skanderbeg era begins.
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There is always some kind of prelude to any major historical event, where content elements appear, foreshadowing what will happen next.
The two great families, the Aranites and the Kastriots, had much earlier connections. It is likely that Gjergj Araniti and Gjon Kastrioti and later Gjergji were known in the circumstances when the Ottoman rule used the institution of the pledge, as a guarantee of loyalty. So Gjergj Araniti is known to have been in the Sultan's court for some time. Around the year 1427 he left and came to Arbëri. In 1432 Andrea Topia made an attack causing great losses to the Turks. It is precisely Andrea Topia who has the first credit for the destruction of a Turkish army. According to Gegaj Topiaj, there was also a branch of the family in the south, called Arani. In fact, the Aranitase family is very old. It has been mentioned since the time of the Byzantine Emperor Basil II, when a prominent strategist David Aranitis stood out in a battle in the Bulgarian empire in 1016. In the 1432th century, the Aranites family got married with the Komneni and thus the family was called Aranit Komneni. But only in the 1433th century can the history of this family be determined with more certainty. In the XNUMXth century, Gjergj Araniti became famous for his victories against the Turks. Immediately after the revolt of XNUMX, Sultan Murat II sent against Arberia a powerful army commanded by Ali Bey. The Arbëror chieftains, organized under the command of Gjergj Araniti, met this attack with determination and destroyed the Turkish troops in XNUMX in the steep mountains of Kurveles. The Turkish defeat was so great that the news of Gjergj Araniti's victory spread throughout Europe and was greeted with great enthusiasm. A year later, another Turkish army came to Arbëri, but it too was destroyed. A third army, led by Isak Bey of Skopje, was also turned back by the Arbëror insurgents. These three victories increased the momentum of the revolt. There was a Turkish garrison in the castle of Gjirokastra, a warrior of the Zenerdisi family attacked them, but his fate was tragic, the leader of the uprising, was captured, imprisoned and killed. After this defeat at the walls of Gjirokastra, Gjergj Araniti continued his resistance in the mountains.
The Sultan was forced to recognize some autonomy for Mr. Arbëror, always asking for a guarantee of loyalty, he had their sons taken as hostages to his court.
The defeat suffered by the Turks in Nis by the forces of Huniat in 1443 gave new hopes to the Arbers. It was during this period that Skenderbeu returned and took power in his family's Principality. Meanwhile, it must be said that Gjergj Araniti attacked the Turks again around the years 1443-1444.
The fame of Gjergj Araniti became known in Europe and this recognition made this powerful Arbëror lord have friendly relations with King Alfonso of Naples, the Republic of Ragusa and the Papacy. Pope Eugene IV sent him commendatory messages exhorting him to resist, at a time when the Hungarian army was crossing the Danube and the papal fleet was arriving at Gallipoli. Gjergj Araniti's ties with Gjergj Kastrioti become stronger precisely at these moments. Aranitis was connected and united with Skanderbeg in the sense of an alliance, but in any case he maintained his independence. In these relations between the two powerful leaders, there were also changes. Aranitis was very close to the Republic of Venice, while Skenderbeu, feeling and understanding the not at all friendly and unacceptable attitude of Venice, connected with King Alfonso of Naples, with whom he made the Treaty of Gaetas 1451. Starting after this Skenderbeu, in the function of a more consolidated alliance, asked Gjergj Araniti for the hand of his daughter Donika. The intensity of events is interesting. Even Gjergj Aranititi, after Skënderbeu, sends an ambassador, Filip Pantelo de Plezans, to sign a treaty with King Alfonso on June 7, 1451. Through the mediation of ambassador Gjergj Araniti, he was declared a vassal of the King of Naples, who would obey him "both in war and in peace". The treaty provided that, when Aranitis became lord of the city of Berat and the lands of Myzeqe that extended to the river Devolli, all this space would be considered as the legal property of King Alfons if such a thing happened King Alfons would appoint a Gurvenator in Berat and would place a garrison there as he had done in Kruja. The recognition of vassalage by Aranitis to the Kingdom of Naples shows that, according to Gegaj, Arianitis remains the illegitimate lord of Vlora and Kanina. If Skanderbeg makes the treaty with Alfonso of Naples in his own name but also that of a small confederation, Aranitis is represented only in his name. Athanas Gegaj notes that "neither the Treaty between Skanderbeg and Alfonso of Naples, nor the one between Aranitis and the same king was ever analyzed, therefore their legal significance always remains questionable".
that after these two Treaties the Kingdom of Naples would organize and carry out a military expedition against the Turks in the areas of Arberia. An element of this expedition of the Aragonese together with the arborists was the siege of Berat in 1456 when the besieging troops had supplies of soldiers and weapons from the Kingdom of Naples. But the terrible defeat of Berat caused Gjergj Araniti to lose hope and cool off with the politics of Naples. Then Gjergj Araniti returns again to the Republic of Venice, to obey the orders of the Venetian Senate that will give him 300 gold ducats annual income and appoints the Venetian Captain in Arberi for the territory between Shkodra and Durrës. These ties and obligations were materialized in the form of a treaty of Aranit with Venice, and Gegajt adds "This policy separated Aranit from the League of Lezha and from the policy of Skenderbeu". Although his power was diminished, his prestige was still great, and it is indisputable that by making an agreement with him the Republic of Venice gained independence over the policy of Alfonso in Naples. From this moment Araniti no longer appears in the history of Arbëro.
In 1470 Gjergj Araniti apparently died in Durrës, although Gegaj says "he says he does not know the place where he breathed his last".
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Athanas Gegaj carefully analyzes the event that was called the League of Lezha. It underlines that "This coalition project marks the insight of Skenderbeu, who was fully aware of the Turkish danger". The gathering of the main Arbër leaders took place in March of 1444 in the Saint Nicholas Cathedral in Lezhë. It was attended by the Dukagjinas, the Muzakas, the Topias, the Spans, the Balshas, the Dushmans, Gjergj Araniti and Lek Zaharia and the princes of Montenegro. In the end, Gjergj Kastriot Skenderbeu was elected the leader of the League of Lezha and the General Captain of the army, the Arbëror chiefs in this joint agreement promised to give Skenderbeu the soldiers he would need and would support him financially. The aid of 200 thousand gold ducats as well as part of the income from the salt in Durrës would make it possible to cover the expenses of the war. After this event came the news that Moisi Golem Dibra had taken the Svetigrati castle, freeing it from the hands of the Turks. Now Skanderbeg had to deal with the organization of a strong and highly disciplined army. Athanas Gegaj, referring to the documents, stated that this feudal army, most of which consisted of Skanderbeg's men, numbered 12 to 15 thousand men, half of whom were knights, "But Skanderbeg had a permanent army, for which Barleti speaks indirectly, who calls it by the characteristic name "Praetorja Cohors", this was obviously his personal guard, which consisted of the most prominent men and reached two to three thousand horsemen. This "Pretorja Cohors" has played a dominant role in all the victories of the Arbëror hero. Another army of up to five thousand men was led by Moisi Golem Dibra, who guarded the borders of the country, and this was a military leader, whose bravery was compared to Skenderbeu.
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Athanas Gega paints a portrait of Alfonso V of Aragon, who became King of Naples, as one of the most brilliant Renaissance men in Italy. This king had bold political goals. He was a sovereign of the 1451th century who knew how to understand the Turkish danger and showed great ambitions for the organization of the peoples in the Balkan peninsula against the terrible Turkish offensive. He aimed to create an Oriental Policy. He wanted to restore the Eastern Empire, aiming at first for an advance base in the Balkan peninsula across the Adriatic. King Alfons happened before the readiness of Gjergj Kastrioti who, with great intuition and political vision, thought of the Kingdom of Naples as the center of the main alliance in Italy. At the beginning of the month of March in 26, Skenderbeu was the first to send two of his representatives to Alfonso's court, Stefani, bishop of Kruja, and Nikola de Berguci, the Demonican. These ambassadors of Skanderbeg had a special mission for King Alphonsus V. The treaty was concluded and signed on March 1451, XNUMX. The ambassadors of Skanderbeg were represented in their status "in the name of Gjergj Kastrioti and his people, the barons of Arberia" they promised that they would give the city of Kruja and its Castle to the envoy of King Alfonso V, if "the King of Naples would send soldiers to support and protect the country". On the other hand, Skënderbeu, as the leader of the coalition of Arbëro chiefs, promised that he would come himself to the place that King Alfons V would designate to take the oath and homage for loyalty and vassalage, "but only after they are freed from the Turks with the help of Alfonsi of V". In the treaty, this is one of the most important points in the legal sense, King Alfonso V was obliged to "Respect the privileges of the city of Kruja... He also had to allow them to have power over the lord to whom they would submit and confirm their privileges ".
For Gegaj, "The simple analysis of this Treaty reveals that at the time of the talks, the two sides were not equal. In fact, on the one hand, the last siege of Kruja had plunged Skanderbeg into great grief. On the other hand, King Aragon was at the height of his power. Before this treaty, on February 5, 1451, he had signed a similar treaty with Demetrios Palaeologus, Dhespot Temores, so the pact with Skenderbeu was the link of a succession of treaties that would ensure powerful alliances, for him to attack the eastern basin of the Mediterranean. To attack the Turks from now on, he could choose Arbëria or Morena as a base for his attacks. Everything makes you believe that he dreamed of Arbëria, whose leader Skënderbeu had defeated the Turks and united the scattered forces".
In June 1451 Alfonso V sent his own man to Arberi, as an Officer of the Staff named Bernard Vaskeri appointed as special commissioner, together with a small body of 100 warriors. This commissar of Alfonso V, after presenting the credentials to Skanderbeg, would take control of the castle and the city of Kruja. The Romanian historian Marinesko says that after June 1451 Kruja, as long as it was connected to Skenderbeu, would no longer belong to the Arbër warrior. For several years, a Neapolitan garrison would guard Kruja, while Gjergj Kastrioti was away from his capital that made him famous.
In 1452, the Catalan knight Ramon Ortafa, sent by Alfonso V, became governor of Kruja. In 1457, six years after the Treaty of Gaeta, King Alfonso V confirmed, as he had promised, the privileges of the "universitas oppidi croaun" in this diploma there is no mention of Skenderbeu. The diploma is addressed to the community of Kruja which consisted of the bishop, the clergy, the court and the free people. The city of Kruja enjoyed these privileges not only inside but also outside its walls. These privileges respected an earlier, centuries-old tradition. These privileges of the city of Kruja, already confirmed by King Alfonso V, had been allowed since the time of Andronikos II and Stephen of Serbia. Among other things, the citizens of Kruja did not have to pay the salt tax.
In 1454, the governor of Kruja, Ramon Ortafa, was authorized to make silver coins in this city. The views of King Alfonso V, as Gegajt says, "passed the clauses of the Treaty to Gaetas." But they were simply abandoned. This happened in 1455 when the Arbëro army that was reinforced by a good Neapolitan contingent was defeated and most of it was destroyed". Gegajt thinks that after the fall of Constantinople in 1453, Alfonso V's great ambitions for his projects and the Policy of the Orient faded. Gegaj gives importance to the fact that King Alfonso V made a treaty not only with Gjergj Aranit but also with other Arbëror lords, in 1454 he negotiated with Gjin Zenebish, the lord of Gjirokastra. One of the sons of Gjin Zenebishi whom he had sent to the Sultan's court escaped and his father sent him to Naples, when in August 1454 he was baptized by Alfonso V who gave him his name. Also on the coast of Epirus, a vassal family of Alfonso V was the Toco (Tocco) family. In 1456 Pjeter Spani leaves the pro-republic policy of Venice and joins the side of the generous Arbëror of Alfonso V. The rivalry between the policies of Venice and Naples, full of contradictions and infidelity intrigues, often caused deep divisions among the Arbëror feudal lords. In these conditions, Athanas Gegajt concludes, "the endurance of Skenderbeu, who had a glorious career that I owe to his bravery and military genius, which rightly ranks him among the greatest generals in history, is surprising."
Chapter VI of Athanas Gegaj's study work is called "The War of Arberia against Sultan Mehmet II, 1451-1461" the arguments and the density of facts, the use of reliable historical sources make this chapter a substantial evidence of the extraordinary resistance of Gjergj Kastriot Skënderbeu and his warriors. Exactly this has to do with the essence of the internal history of Arberia and Skanderbeg to face the attacks from the bigger ones coming from the Ottoman Empire of the east. There were indeed the aids of the Kingdom of Naples, but they were quite insufficient and were partial, for the reason that all the gravitation of defense, military power and strike of Skanderbeg was related to his men who led with his excellent strategies and tactics. On June 27, 1456, the most loyal ally of Skanderbeg, Alfonsi V, died in Naples. With his death, one of the most brilliant people of the Renaissance, but also the visionary creator for the creation of a dam to stop the waters of the Ottoman flood, disappears. In the same year, Konturan, a great Arbër soldier, close friend and advisor of Skënderbeu and the protector of Kruja during the great sieges, also died. Skanderbeg sent the letter to King Ferdinand, to express his condolences for his father's death and to congratulate him on his coming to power. Very soon, King Ferdinand encountered the opposition of the Azhui barons, who, taking advantage of a situation of anarchy and power, sought to seize and take the throne.
Pope Kalis III had appointed Skanderbeg as "Captain of the Holy See", Skanderbeg started a mission to Rome to inform the Pope that in order to help King Ferdinand of Naples he had to first make peace with the Turks or for a truce of three years. In fact, this so-called truce that began in 1461 lasted only six months. Chapter VII of Athanas Gegaj's work "Skenderbeu and the rule of Aragonas in Naples, 1458-1464" talks about Gjergj Kastriot Skenderbeu's expedition to Italy. After the death of Alfonso V, his son Ferdinand faced some great difficulties to recognize the inheritance. As soon as he was proclaimed king, a great uprising began led by Rene Anjou, Ferdinand's competitor and heir to the throne of Naples. This was supported by Charles VII, king of France. Rena's son, Duke Jovani di Calabria in a fleet of 24 ships approaching Charles VII anchored in the sea in front of Naples, exerting great pressure with the aim of inciting revolt within Naples. Then he went to Volturno where he landed on the ground and announced the signal of the uprising which was joined by many lords, great feudal lords, supporters of the Angevin house. So euphoric was the revolt and opposition as the issue of the reign of the family of Aragonas of Naples. In fact, this fight to inherit the throne could stimulate similar riots and many reactions in other states of Italy. Both the Azhuins and the Aragonese had supporters but also opponents. The Duke of Milan Francesco Sforzza, the ally of Alfonso V, supported Ferdinand, then the Pope also joined in this support. Venice and Tirence maintained a neutral position while a famous leader like Giacomo Picinico joined the rebels and even became the most dangerous opponent. In 1460, the first battles between opposing forces took place. Ferdinand's army, which was reinforced by the Lombard troops led by Alexander Sforzza, the brother of the Duke of Milan, and the military troops of the Pope commanded by Simonetto, suffered several defeats. On June 7, 1460 in Sorrento, a large part of Ferdinand's army was captured by the enemy from whom he could barely escape. He was almost abandoned by the lord and by the cities of Campania. Battles were fought in July and September. But in the spring of 1461, the Azhurians suffered a defeat in Genoa, King Rene, who was leading the war himself, was defeated. Despite this loss, the Anzhu family maintained the advantages they had. These could again attack the positions of Ferdinand of Naples. In this uncertain and foggy moment about the fate of the war, Gjergj Kastriot intervened in Italy. In September 1460 Skanderbeg sent the first contingent of his men to the King of Naples, in June 1461 Skanderbeg announced through an ambassador that he would personally come to Italy for help with 100 horsemen and 2000 foot soldiers. In August 1461 Skanderbeg and his men set sail from Ragusa and on August 24 the first troops of the expedition landed on Italian soil. On August 25, 1461 Skenderbeu himself reached the city of Barleta where King Ferdinand was surrounded. Skanderbeg forced Giacomo Picinico to withdraw. Ferdinand himself stayed in Barleta until September 5, then he left for Saint Bartalemeo to join Alexander Sforza's troops. He entrusts the protection of Barleta to Skenderbeu, Athanas Gegaj writes, "Skenderbeu did not stand idly by against the enemy. He jumped into the attack in pursuit of the enemy troops. His army destroyed the country, planted fire and destruction everywhere, the war was bloody. The enemy suffered heavy losses and was forced to abandon the position. The prince of Taranto was so frightened that he proposed peace to Skanderbeg. Soon the cities of Nola, Atripalda and Monteforte were liberated. Skanderbeg also attacked in Apulia, managed to liberate the city of Tran. Now all things were going in favor of King Ferdinand. In the late autumn of 1461 King Ferdinand, now assured of his role, performed in Naples the marriage of his illegitimate daughter to the Pope's nephew, Antonio Picolominio. It is precisely this marriage that further strengthens the ties of the house of Aragon with Papius II. Antonio Picolomini already became the Duke of Amalfi and the Court of the Kingdom of Naples. The military expedition of Gjergj Kastriot Skenderbeu in Italy ended in the first days of January 1461. For researcher Athanas Gegajt, this expedition "strongly influenced the improvement of the military situation of King Ferdinand of Naples and opened the way for him to go on the offensive... with his participation, Skenderbeu helped in the final success." King Ferdinand highly valued Skenderbeu's help and was very grateful to Skenderbeu and his family. After Skanderbeg's death, Ferdindan hosted the widow Donika with her son to ensure a worthy royal life. Chapter VIII "The Crusade of Pius II and the last wars of Skanderbeg. 1462-1468" the complicated and tense situations of the attacks of the Turkish armies as well as the successful counterattacks of Skanderbeg are realized. Skanderbeg was victorious in all cases, he maintained his forces and attacked successfully. Under these conditions, the sultan proposed peace to Skanderbeg, which was reached on April 27, 1463. This is how Gegaj treats the act of peace "Many questions have been asked why Skanderbeg wanted to make peace, when his army was always victorious and when he could rightfully hope to win over the foreign hosts. It seems clear that he personally wanted to continue the war but was forced by the demands of the people around him, most of whom, especially Tanush Topia, wanted peace. From the damages he had suffered, the possessions he made in the crusades were fraudulent, therefore, in order to protect the independence of the homeland, he had to rely on his own forces. The peace allowed him to ensure the integrity of his territory... the achievement of this peace had serious consequences abroad. Pope II, who spared nothing to carry out the crusade, condemned publicly and was very worried. But the Pope again insisted that Skanderbeg resume the war against the Turks. Meanwhile, the Republic of Venice showed a much greater concern, especially since its policy had already realized that the danger of the Turkish forces would threaten to death its own power over the cities of the Arbëror coast. Venice was interested in making an agreement already with Gjergj Kastriot, changing its previous political direction from enmity and rivalry with Skenderbeu to an equally special alliance with Skenderbeu, in order to succeed in facing and resisting the Turks. Therefore, Venice encouraged Skanderbeg to break the peace with the Turks. Also Papius II and not only the main inspiration and instigator of the crusade but also continued to encourage the hero Gjergj Kastriot to break the peace with the Turks. The Pope wanted to realize his dream of the Crusades, he went to Ancona from where he thought to prepare the fleet to attack the eastern coast of the Adriatic as well as the Mediterranean coast. But this project was not realized. Pope II August 15, 1464. Together with him, the project of the Crusade died. Athanas Gegaj pays attention to the wars that Skanderbeg makes, especially against a dangerous opponent and a capable soldier at the head of the Turkish forces such as Ballaban Pasha. Sultan Mehmet II wanting revenge and eager to extend his imperial power in Europe to the borders of the Adriatic. He decided to come himself and led the fight against Skanderbeg. In the spring of 1466, Sultan Mehmet II with a very large army came to Arbërore lands with the aim of conquering Kruja. He built the castle of Valmi, or Skampa, nicknamed Elbasan, to have it as a main strategic center of progress and long-term establishment of Ottoman rule in the Balkans. But the expedition of Sultan Mehmet II did not take Kruja. This time too, Skenderbeu was victorious. In December 1466, Skanderbeg came to Rome, where he received an extraordinary and excellent reception. Skanderbeg undertook these trips to Italy in Rome because the aid that had been given was not enough, hoping that through the fame and prestige he had, he would be able to ask for much greater aid. Gegaj underlines "Skenderbeu, dressed as a simple soldier, accompanied by a small number of horses and a small spear, surprised everyone with his great simplicity. He was received by the Pope, but he received a little help in money from the Pope under the pretext that he was in a bad financial situation." From Rome Skenderbeu went to Naples where he was received by King Ferdinand with special gratitude and love. Then Skenderbeu returned to and in the month of April 1467, he defeated a Turkish army again, as Gegaj says, "He reaped the last laurels of his glorious career." Sultan Mehmet II descended for the second time on the lands of Arbërore in the spring of 1467. He surrounded Kruja again. But he couldn't get it this time either. On January 17, 1468, Gjergj Kastrioti died and was buried in the Saint Nicholas Cathedral. With the death of Skanderbeg, the magnificent era of Arbëro resistance does not end definitively. Now the interests of the Republic of Venice were more in unison with the connections of Arbër because it was itself threatened by the Turks. On May 23, 1468, the Senate of the Republic of Venice appointed Gjon Kastrioti, the son of Skenderbeu, an ally of the Republic. But in the meantime, Skanderbeg's widow Donika together with Gjoni settled in the Kingdom of Naples. The anti-Turkish resistance continued for 10 years. In 1478, the Turks besieged Shkodra. The battle for the defense of Shkodra has been described like no one else in a shocking and epic narrative by Marin Barleti. After the conquest of Shkodra, it seemed that the Turkish occupation was extending in a more definitive way, threatening the other still unconquered cities such as Lezha, Durrës and Vlora. When the Turks conquered Lezha, they also opened the tomb of Skenderbeg. But Athanas Gega does not accept the mutilation as an event that really happened to Skanderbeg's bones but says "According to local folklore, they (the Turks) removed Skanderbeg's corpse and made amulets with his bones"/Moikom Zeqo.