We in Kosovo have many reasons to feel disappointed with the elections, considering that we had to wait six months for a constitutive session to begin and end. That is, to function with a government in office for over ten months, in a period of political and economic crisis that has not been experienced so strongly since the pandemic, and which left us with consequences. Consequences that we will carry for who knows how long
Tomorrow there will be election silence, and, I wish you a good and prosperous voting day. The first part of the campaign is over and it was a good thing that it ended because, mainly, it tired us out. Many words, many promises, a lot of arrogance, and at the end of the 21st quarter of the century, still promises for drinking water. And this in places where there are water sources, that is, where they have always existed. This shows the distinctive feature of local government in these 25 years.
Another promise that was almost repeated by candidates in all municipalities was the construction of squares in towns and villages.
Normally, what is known as a square is actually a road, which is almost without exception paved with granite and tiles, which increases the price of the project in the air.
The issue of squares in villages, however, would not be a bad idea if, for example, the experience of Latin American countries were imitated. The square would be placed in the center of the settlement; it would have a podium for artistic performances (like a static carousel), a space for placing folding chairs, a strip for a promenade, benches and lots and lots of greenery and flowers. So, both a park and a square.
No. Dreams don't cost anything.
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So, tomorrow the citizen will decide: either to vote or not. But the selection of those who will potentially be able to govern the municipality will be made from the votes that will be counted.
We in Kosovo have many reasons to feel disappointed with the elections, considering that we had to wait six months for a constitutive session to begin and end. That is, to function with a government in office for over ten months, in a period of political and economic crisis that has not been experienced so strongly since the pandemic, and which left us with consequences. Consequences that we will carry for who knows how long.
What did the local election campaign show? It confirmed what we have known for a long time: Kosovo, despite decades of efforts for emancipation, continues to be a patriarchal country.
Among the hundred or so candidates for mayor, it seems to me that there were no more than five women in the race. And no matter how articulate and creative they are in the campaign, they remain very unlikely to even make it to the runoff. So, we conclude that for 25 years, Kosovo has had "no" woman mayor.
Perhaps for this reason, municipalities, despite the millions flowing through their hands, have not progressed as they should. Perhaps because those who hold municipal power, before practicality and solving real problems, are guided by tenders, with or without permission, with or without conditions.
I don't know how women would act, I can only presume that they wouldn't be as greedy as most mayors have proven to be, regardless of the municipality.
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Meanwhile, as the municipal campaign was drawing to a close, the constitutive session of this legislature that has been fraying our nerves since April of this year came to an end.
After the publication of the next verdict of the Constitutional Court, the continuation of the session was held yesterday, and, as always, it started late. Half an hour after the scheduled time, the deputies entered the hall; the majority voted 27 times against 9 candidates of the Serbian List and, with the votes of the LDK, elected Nenad Rašić as deputy speaker of the assembly from the ranks of the Serbian community.
Knowingly and without warning, the LS will complain to the Constitutional Court, because it insists that the Constitution has been violated (very ironic that the LS MPs are the ones who constantly repeat how the Constitution is being violated, and they are defending it) and that the election of Rašić should not be valid.
Now, there are as many interpretations as you want about whether there was a violation or not, but the fact is that the Assembly was declared constituted yesterday and that the deadline for electing the Government is now starting to run. The fact that the LS will contest the declaration does not necessarily mean that the Constitutional Court will take a temporary measure and stop further action. It will be able to receive the complaint and issue a judgment whenever the deadlines are met.
It wouldn't be the first time. We will remember the vote of the Hoti Government in June 2020 and the Constitutional Court's ruling in December of that same year - which was the first time that a ruling overthrew the government. But, all the decisions that that government had taken remained in force and were not declared null and void.
So this time too, the same could be done.
It is in the interest of Kosovo that the Assembly votes for the government, if for nothing else, then for two things: for voting on the budget for next year and for signing the agreement with the EU to ratify it urgently. In this case, I am not mentioning the independent institutions that have been left without boards and without supervision, because they are part of a very long process where political interests dominate, and we do not have time to deal with them.
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Kurti has already informed the accidental speaker of the Assembly that as the majority party in the Assembly they will present the name of the prime minister to Osman for decreeing. From that moment on, Kurti will have 15 days to secure the votes he did not have for Albulena Haxhiu, to elect himself prime minister for the third time.
If he fails, he will hardly be able to go to the second round after ten days, because he can no longer stand as a candidate. While the Constitution obliged the president to appoint another candidate within ten days, the 2014 ruling added a small element to the sentence, and now, the procedure is as follows:
"...In the event that the candidate proposed for Prime Minister does not receive the necessary votes, the President of the Republic, at his/her discretion, pursuant to Article 95, paragraph 4, of the Constitution, appoints the other candidate for Prime Minister, after consultation with the parties or coalitions...
e. It is not excluded that the President of the Republic may decide to give the first party or coalition, according to Article 95, paragraph 1, of the Constitution, the opportunity to propose the next candidate for Prime Minister;
And now, our guess is to do the calculation again.
So, if the decree were to be issued on Monday, October 13, the deadline would expire on October 27. If the government were not elected, then the Assembly would have to dissolve itself. The Speaker would decree this action and announce new elections, no later than 40 days from the day of the announcement. Hypothetically, the date of the next parliamentary elections would be December 7, 2025.
And now, given the experience from this year's parliamentary elections, when the count took a little over a month to complete, it follows that by the beginning of February we would have the start of the constitutive session that could last 30 days - and this brings us to March, the time when the new head of state must be elected.
In essence, it will turn out that this has been the aspiration of each party since the announcement of the results of the February elections. Except that neither was honest enough to show that this was what they were aiming for, with the endless ping-pong of interpretations by party economists.
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Sunday will be a prelude to what awaits us on November 9, when the runoff should be held. Next week we will find out which pairs of candidates will compete in which municipalities. And only then will the propaganda engines be turned on.
If it's the old way, then "we haven't seen anything yet."
Will we have the nerve for another round of lies and arrogant tales?