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Opinion

Kosovo's Non-Membership in INTERPOL: Politicization of Security and Consequences for the Region

Kosovo remains outside INTERPOL despite having one of the most professional police structures in the region. Technical membership processes often turn into political battlefields, where countries with geopolitical interests, and especially Serbia, use the organization to consolidate regional advantage.

This article provides an in-depth analysis of the factors hindering Kosovo’s integration into INTERPOL, focusing on the extreme politicization of a technically security-oriented organization. The analysis includes Kosovo’s applications in 2010 and 2015, the failures of 2017–2018, the INTERPOL session in Morocco (2025), as well as Serbia’s strategic initiative to open a Regional Bureau in Belgrade, which has created a dangerous asymmetry in the regional security architecture. The article argues that Kosovo needs a new doctrine of security diplomacy that combines the diplomatic offensive with the technical integration of INTERPOL structures.

INTERPOL's role in the global security architecture

INTERPOL is not a ceremonial organization, but the largest global network of police cooperation, with 196 member states and access to over 100 million operational data on organized crime, terrorism, human trafficking, wanted persons and illegal finance. For small states, which often do not have extensive capacities for information exchange, INTERPOL is the main mechanism for integration into the international security architecture.

For Kosovo, membership in INTERPOL would provide: immediate access to critical databases; the ability to issue Red Notices and request international cooperation; increased institutional credibility; improved border control and the detection of transnational criminal networks. This capacity is supported by the Directorate for International Police Cooperation (ILECU), the official structure of the Kosovo Police for international cooperation, coordinated with EULEX. ILECU manages applications, information exchange and cooperation with INTERPOL and other international agencies. However, although INTERPOL has a technical character, it is deeply influenced by politics and the case of Kosovo clearly illustrates this tension.

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Kosovo's applications and political failures

Kosovo’s first application (in 2010) was not taken seriously by INTERPOL bodies due to the lack of a consolidated lobbying strategy and the role of UNMIK as an intermediary channel. The 2015 application was significantly more structured and professional, supported by the Kosovo Police, ILECU, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. However, the process was dominated by the political dimension: in 2017 Kosovo withdrew before the vote and in 2018 the application failed in two rounds of voting, securing only 68 votes in favour — far below the required qualified majority.

These failures were not the result of technical shortcomings. They reflected an unfavorable political configuration, with Serbia undertaking a coordinated and aggressive campaign against Kosovo’s membership; Russia, China, and non-recognizing states acting in sync to block the vote; and INTERPOL’s politicization significantly exceeding its technical nature and operational mandate. As of 2018, Kosovo has not applied, reflecting the lack of a new strategy and the demoralizing effect of anti-Kosovo campaigns.

The main factors of Kosovo's non-membership

The main factors of Kosovo's non-membership are structural: Kosovo's disputed status, recognized by part of the international community, but not by all INTERPOL member states, directly influenced the voting. Regional: Serbia's aggressive diplomacy, intensive lobbying and mobilization of anti-Kosovo coalitions, hindered regional support. Institutional: weak security diplomacy, lack of long-term strategy and frequent changes of negotiating teams weakened the international position.

Organizational: the politicization of INTERPOL, where geopolitical influences dominate the voting process, hindered technical applications and made professional criteria insufficient for country admission.

The combination of these factors has resulted in a lack of applications from Kosovo since 2018, creating a legal, political and diplomatic challenge.

Serbia's violation of the Brussels Agreement

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Serbia has repeatedly violated the Brussels Agreement (2013), preventing Kosovo’s participation in regional, international organizations and security mechanisms. These violations include structured lobbying against Kosovo, organizing anti-Kosovo coalitions, bilateral pressure on neutral states and open opposition during voting processes. Despite the documentation of these practices, Serbia has not experienced effective penalties, creating a dangerous precedent and deepening the institutional, operational and strategic gap.

Consequences for Kosovo's security

Non-membership has created direct and long-term consequences: difficulties in arresting wanted persons, reduced effectiveness against transnational organized crime, lower international perception of Kosovo’s capacities, continued dependence on mediation mechanisms such as UNMIK, and increased strategic asymmetry towards Serbia. This context clearly shows that the challenge is not simply technical: the weakening of security capacities and the increase in strategic asymmetry require a new and consolidated approach to security diplomacy.

Morocco Session 2025 and Serbia's initiative for Regional Bureau

In the 2025 session, Kosovo’s non-application reflected the lack of a clear and consolidated diplomatic strategy in a strategic vacuum that Serbia has carefully exploited. Serbia’s official announcement of the opening of a Regional Bureau in Belgrade constitutes an important strategic move, giving Serbia an institutional advantage and a coordinating role in the Balkan police networks, while Kosovo remains peripheral. This creates strategic asymmetry: Serbia at the center, Kosovo on the periphery.

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The case of Kosovo in INTERPOL shows that technical security organizations do not operate in a vacuum; non-membership does not reflect a lack of police capacity, but a lack of a security diplomacy strategy and international political pressure, mainly from Serbia. Kosovo's non-application since 2018 and Serbia's initiative for a Regional Bureau have created strategic asymmetry and a risk to police capacity.

It is recommended: consolidation of multilateral diplomacy and a three-year coordinated inter-institutional strategy; building sustainable voting coalitions; depoliticization of the application narrative; involvement of key international partners; professionalization of technical lobbying and operational visibility. Only a coordinated approach, which integrates the operational capacities of the Police and ILECU with multilateral diplomacy and international lobbying, can neutralize regional asymmetry and ensure a stable institutional and international position for Kosovo.

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This case illustrates the importance of combining technical security with international politics and regional power centers.

(The author is a university professor and former Minister of Internal Affairs)