Flamingos, Vietnam and Albania between protest and anarchy

The much-discussed investment in Zvërnec and the flamingo debate became a topic not only in Albania, but also beyond. However, before we talk about the world's reactions, we must accept a simple truth: almost all developing countries seek foreign investments and are proud of them. Modern Albania has also been built to a considerable extent on foreign capital. Durrës, Saranda, Shëngjini and many other tourist centers would not have the appearance they have today without investors who have come from different countries, cultures, beliefs and political orientations.

I remember Durrës in June 1991, when I visited it for the first time. The sea was the same: big, generous and inspiring. But around it I saw poor people, tired of propaganda and broken promises. They were told that they lived in the richest country, while the reality was completely different. At that time, Albania lived with the slogans that Vietnam would win and Hans J. Strauss drove him away with a bag of 2 billion DM, that the Party had given us everything. Today we take risks, we do not want investments of 4 billion dollars. Or is it that evil minds follow us, generation after generation?

Today Albania is different. There is development, tourism, investment and more advanced infrastructure. However, the question arises whether the transition has produced a more just society. Sociologist Anthony Giddens described America as a very rich country, but with many poor people. Statistics show that there are 5 million homeless people. Similarly, in Albania, a very wealthy class has been created in a relatively short time, while a significant part of the population continues to face economic difficulties.

Why do some manage to accumulate great wealth, while most do not? This is a question that will accompany public debate for a long time. There is no answer that will satisfy everyone, because social inequalities have been and remain a part of every human society.

Protests and the legacy of transition

For days now, the streets of Tirana have been filled with disgruntled protesters. They express anger at corruption, healthcare problems, the arrogance of political elites and a lack of trust in institutions. But protests are not a new phenomenon in Albania. The country's modern history is filled with slogans and mass mobilizations. From the slogans of the communist era, to the idealization of self-reliance and the rejection of foreign aid, to the demonstrations of transition, Albanian society has repeatedly gone from enthusiasm to disappointment.

A personal memory from June 1991 illustrates the atmosphere of that time. Together with the graduates of the Tetovo High School, we traveled to Durrës to celebrate the graduation party. The enthusiasm was extraordinary. But when we arrived at the hotel, we were faced with a crowd of desperate citizens who wanted to be part of the party. I asked them why they had come to our party? They said they had come to protect the hotel from foreigners, from Kosovars… We had no explanation for what was happening and some professors and students asked us to return to Tetovo. The artist Fadil Hasa kindly wanted to make us laugh with his friends for free. The crowd did not leave the waiting room. It was a clear picture of a society that was emerging from isolation and entering the uncertainty of transition. This was a desperate crowd.

Today, borders are open, opportunities are greater, and Albania is part of international processes. However, some of the ideological reflections of the past continue to survive. From time to time, narratives that divide society into rich and poor, friends and enemies, are revived, bringing back a spirit of polarization that the country has long suffered from.

Popular anger and leadership crisis

In every democratic country there is corruption, dissatisfaction and accusations of arrogance of power. In North Macedonia, Mickoski's government is criticized, in Kosovo, Kurti's, in Serbia, Vučić's, in Hungary, Orbán's, in Slovakia, Fico's, in Turkey, Erdogan's and in the USA, Trump's. Albania is no exception. There is dissatisfaction in all countries. There are flamingos, sea turtles, pelicans all over the world. They are not a species that Albania has bred and it alone must protect them. They come and go and we remain.

However, the main problem seems to be related to the exhaustion of the political class. Edi Rama and Sali Berisha have dominated Albanian political life for more than three decades. For a large part of the citizens, they represent an era that is coming to an end. Berisha carries the burden of the serious events of the transition: the 1997 crisis, political clashes, various tragedies and the continuous polarization of society. On the other hand, Rama, after four terms as prime minister, is facing the exhaustion that comes with a long stay in power. So, Albania needs a new political generation, which does not carry the conflicts of the '90s and is not burdened with the personal battles of the past. Rama cannot go to prison like Berisha. Rama has made mistakes, omissions from work, a long stay in politics. Berisha has reprehensible acts, dozens of them.

Crowds and the psychology of protest

French sociologist Gustave Le Bon, in his work “The Psychology of Crowds”, argues that the individual behaves differently when he becomes part of a large mass of people. Within the crowd, individuality is partially lost and a collective consciousness is created. This explains why protests can produce extraordinary energy, but also why they can be easily manipulated. In the crowd, the individual feels more powerful, less exposed and less controlled by ordinary social norms. Therefore, things that contain a threat in themselves are mentioned in the square, such as; prison, bullet, murder, lynching, etc.

Precisely for this reason, protests are an important democratic instrument, but at the same time they carry the risk of radicalization and manipulation by various political or external actors.

Democracy is not built only on the streets

Democracy cannot be reduced to protests and slogans alone. On the boulevards, there are honest citizens, young people seeking a better future, disappointed pensioners and different social strata. But there may also be individuals who pursue completely different interests. Therefore, the street cannot replace institutions. The final solution in democracy remains the free vote and the verdict of the citizens.

If the discontented groups want to change the political reality, they must organize, create alternatives and have their own written political platform, have transparency and know who, what, how, why, and with what people, means,..? Zvërnec is just a pretext. The target is Rama. But, I tell you with full conviction, that Rama is like Charles De Gaulle who came when France needed him the most, Albania needed him. From now on, it seems, no more.

What next? Here we are, where is our destination?

The square and the slogans must have a goal, a real goal. Albania needs a new political spirit. It needs leadership that sees the future beyond personal conflicts, beyond ideological divisions and beyond the logic of political revenge in the style of “You have Sureli in prison”. The country has extraordinary potential: the coast, tourism, diaspora, the energy of the youth and the strategic position. But development cannot be built on hatred, permanent conflict and unhealed memories of the transition. The most important lesson of 1997 and other political crises is that anarchy does not bring solutions. Albania needs reforms, stronger institutions, honest elections and a new political elite. But the new political elite must come through free and fair elections. So all that crowd on the boulevard must have one or several leaders, it must have its own institutions, its own ideological focus and, very importantly, it must not have a vocabulary of hate. Without, we need now, focus on dialogue and the formation of the political party institution. If we continue with the crowd as described by sociologist Gustave Le Bon, the situation risks slipping out of hand and we will head towards fireworks and burning tires. Hegel says that anarchy is worse than dictatorship.  

Undoubtedly, new forces, new leadership are needed. Only then will the country be able to free itself from the shadows of the past and move more confidently towards the future.

(The author is a university professor)