The North Atlantic Alliance is dead. Long live the Alliance!

The scandalous condemnation of the Specialist Chambers has reignited the debate about the establishment of the Court, accompanied by renewed accusations about who voted for and against. It is perhaps understandable to have such debates in these moments of extreme emotion. But such a debate is not helpful at this time; it is irrelevant and out of date.

More relevant to understand is the role of Kosovo's allies in pushing for the establishment of the Court. Specifically, the role of the US administration and people traditionally friends of the state and people of Kosovo, such as Hillary Clinton. She was Secretary of the US Department of State from 2019 to 2023, that is, precisely in the period before and after the establishment of the Court.

What we know

What is known is that since the war, Kosovo and the KLA have been the target of the most horrific accusations of alleged crimes, including human organ trafficking. Members of the KLA have been under the scrutiny of a number of courts – the Hague Tribunal, UNMIK, EULEX and local courts. And finally, in 2010, we had the report by Swiss Senator Dick Marty alleging all these horrific crimes, including the alleged criminal responsibility that went all the way to the top of the KLA. The report, as we know, was approved by a resolution in the Council of Europe, sponsored by the Russian delegate of Putin’s United Russia party, Konstantin Kosachev, and Miloš Alidrugić of Kostunica’s party, among others.

After several years of debate, criticism and accusations, the Kosovo Assembly in 2015 approved the necessary constitutional amendments to establish the Specialist Chambers. This was preceded by extraordinary pressure from Western allies, especially the Americans. The claim was that it was better to vote for a “local” court than to leave it to the mercy of the Russians and Chinese at the UN. It was the last battle to “remove the black cloud” from the just war of the KLA, as President Thaçi said. Even at that time, even after the indictment against him and others, the faith of the Kosovo leadership in the rule of law and international justice was unparalleled and a lesson for more advanced governments. The commitment to the law was so great that it went beyond the fear of what could happen from a rigged trial, or from the personal deprivation of liberty of Thaçi, Veseli and others.          

What we don't know

What we do know is that Serbian and Russian agencies never stopped fighting against the legitimacy of the just war of the KLA. Such political agendas influenced not only the developments that preceded the Court, but also the proceedings and conclusions of this Court. But this is not surprising. Such a thing is expected from a political opponent, an opponent who even denies the existence of your state.

What will probably remain forever debatable is the terrible American pressure for the establishment of the Court. What were the real reasons for this pressure? The claim that the reason was the disclosure of truth and justice cannot help but sound incomplete and unconvincing. This is because, as we know, the Americans were the architects and greatest supporters of every process that Kosovo went through from Rambouillet onwards. The closest partners of the American administration were the members of the KLA with Thaçi, Haradinaj, etc. Moreover, it was the deep conviction of successive American governments – and not only of witnesses in The Hague like General Clark or Ambassador Hill – that people like Thaçi and other leaders were personally innocent of the alleged crimes of that time.

So why all this pressure? Until the day of the verdict, there was a belief that, despite the terrible sacrifices, their release would justify their faith in America. It was the necessary ordeal they had to go through. Even though seemingly alone, America was there, right next to the accused. That was the belief. Until the day of the verdict!

Abandonment?

This period after the verdict day prompts us to ask some serious questions. One of them is: have we been abandoned by our greatest ally - the American administration? Was this pressure for the vote of the Specialized Chambers a trap? If so, what trap was it, with what background? What does this mean for the trust we had in the North Atlantic Alliance and, in particular, in the United States? What does this mean for the path ahead for Kosovo and the Albanian people in general, in these times of great geopolitical divisions?

It is a theory, put forward by Jason Steinbaum, former adviser to the Foreign Affairs Committee in the US Congress, that says that the establishment of the Specialized Chambers was part of the international bargain between the Obama administration and Russia in exchange for the latter's support for the nuclear weapons agreement with Iran in 2015.

Such a theory remains to be verified, but such calculations in times of great geopolitical upheaval are not far-fetched. This highlights our extraordinary fragility as a state and as a people. And it inevitably raises existential questions about our alliances and friendships. Have we been blind in our faith in the North Atlantic Alliance? Have we been naive?

I think we have been neither blind nor naive. I think those who should know know that friendships between states are driven, first and foremost, by geostrategic and political interest. But I think we have been lazy in this regard. We have let our minds sleep, letting ourselves get too comfortable in the embrace that, at times, can even burn. For a long time, we have repeated stale phrases of "eternal friendship with America" ​​and alliance with European states. But we have not taken a single concrete step towards revitalizing these relations. Our friendship has frozen during the time of President Clinton and Prime Minister Blair.

While today, it is high time to review all these friendships and relationships. Is the North Atlantic Alliance dead? Maybe not, but it is changing beyond our imagination. And we, as Kosovo and the Albanian people, must rediscover ourselves within this Alliance. But, also, let us not be satisfied with this but diversify alliances. In this regard, rapprochement in every field with the Albanian state is absolutely necessary. Even if it is not for reasons of natural fraternal proximity, it is an immediate mutual interest. Within the Balkans, Kosovo must also approximate relations with Croatia and, where there is space, with North Macedonia and Bulgaria. This would be the Axis of Strategic Good that would counter the axis of evil radiating from Belgrade. And, let us look even further: at Turkey, and even at states with which it has relations that are still not sufficiently developed, such as Israel and Saudi Arabia.

This is not to say no to America. The relationship with the latter requires an urgent reset. But this is a reflection of Kosovo's response to the tectonic plates that are constantly shifting beneath our feet.