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The current solution is the best possible for Kosovo

The problem does not lie in the fact that Serbia has not shown readiness to recognize Kosovo as an independent state, according to Ahtisaari's plan, but in the fact that such a thing has never been unequivocally requested from Serbia. Through the dialogue, Kosovo itself has participated in creating the space for action for Serbia to seek a "final solution" without the need to recognize Kosovo as a state. When Serbia was given such a space. In the "we agree to disagree" style, she has used and is using this.

What irony seems the situation in Kosovo today where the Vetëvendosje Movement defends Kosovo's borders and sovereignty, and its territorial integrity, while the person who read the declaration of Kosovo's independence, according to Ahtisaari's plan, Hashim Thaçi, commits to change of borders, trying to camouflage this with various euphemisms such as "demarcation" or "correction" of borders.

When Thaçi, based on Ahtisaari's plan, had declared independence and EULEX, as an EU mission, had come to Kosovo, among other things, to strengthen the protection of the Serbian minority, the Vetëvendosje Movement had organized protests. For this Movement, which was committed to the union of Kosovo with Albania, such a solution was unacceptable. This is also because the possibility of joining Kosovo with Albania was ruled out.

At that time, Ahtisaari's plan, or his comprehensive proposal for resolving the status of Kosovo, had great support from the citizens of Kosovo. It wasn't an ideal solution, but it was the best possible solution. Taking into account that Kosovo could not return to the state before 1999, that is, it could not be under the administration of Serbia, taking into account the need that the Serbs and their religious and cultural heritage had to be protected in a special way, through guarantees constitutional and international presence, and considering that Kosovo's independence would have to preserve the principle of non-change of borders, Ahtisaari, after a long process with extensive international involvement, had come to the conclusion that an independence, under international supervision, with special rights for Serbs is the best solution.

This continues even today to be the best possible solution for the status of Kosovo. The president of Kosovo, Hashim Thaçi, should take this into account when he says that he will give up the idea of ​​correcting the borders when someone gives him a better proposal.

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The problem does not lie in the fact that Serbia has not shown readiness to recognize Kosovo as an independent state, according to Ahtisaari's plan, but in the fact that such a thing has never been unequivocally requested from Serbia. Through the dialogue, Kosovo itself has participated in creating the space for action for Serbia to seek a "final solution" without the need to recognize Kosovo as a state. When Serbia was given such a space. In the "we agree to disagree" style, she has used and is using this.

The Brussels dialogue, as the most negative development with consequences in the history of Kosovo in the last thirty years, has been the most visible process of helping Serbia to overcome obstacles without having to recognize the reality in Kosovo. Even looking for "a solution with which even Serbia would not feel like a loser", this dialogue has almost brought the case of Kosovo to the starting point.

The dialogue has enabled Serbia to open EU membership negotiations and many other things. It has also enabled the establishment of relations with many western countries, which have invested in Serbia. It has also helped to maintain the high level of export in Kosovo. An analyst from Serbia these days even said that Serbia exports more to Kosovo than to Russia. The dialogue has enabled Serbia to be a key factor in Kosovo's internal developments and to a large extent external developments as well. And, as it is seen now, it has enabled Serbia to prevent new recognitions and even to try to withdraw recognitions from some states, arguing that the dialogue in Brussels is looking for a solution acceptable to both sides.

It should be recalled that even in the negotiations mediated by Ahtisaari, and later in those mediated by the EU-US-Russian Federation trio, maximum effort was made to ensure an acceptable solution for both parties. But, as was said in the instructions for the negotiations on the status of Kosovo, approved by the Contact Group, the aim for a solution with the agreement of both parties does not mean that one party has the opportunity to keep the process blocked. That's how it happened that Kosovo declared independence without the agreement of Serbia.

But, even though Serbia did not agree with the declaration of independence, nor with Ahtisaari's proposal, Kosovo's declaration of independence was not unilateral. By nature, declarations of independence are one-sided. An entity declares its independence. Many countries had done this before Kosovo, from Slovenia and Croatia to Montenegro. But Kosovo's declaration of independence was the least one-sided of all. Because it was announced as a result of an international proposal, after an international process, with international conditions and with an international military, police, customs, political and police presence.

Even this was not an ideal solution, but it was the best possible. Now we are in a situation where some circles from Brussels, supported by some former opponents of Kosovo's independence from the US, are trying to push for a "final solution", which would ultimately cancel all that was achieved through the process since Ramboullieti, NATO's intervention and Ahtisaari's proposal to the opinion of the International Court of Justice that with the declaration of Kosovo's independence neither international law nor resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council had been violated. The latter should be recalled today when Belgrade and Moscow refer to this resolution as if it did not enable the independence of Kosovo as an option. Resolution 1244 of the Security Council did not rule out the independence of Kosovo, nor did it determine the status, but left it as an open issue that must be resolved through a political process, which happened.

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By not asking Serbia to recognize Kosovo, agreeing with Serbia's order that "Serbia will never recognize Kosovo", those in the EU who do not recognize Kosovo, but also those who think that the position "neutral towards the status" is correct " have made it difficult for Serbia to recognize the reality. They do this even today. Because it is not easy for Seria to recognize Kosovo if there are so many diplomats in Brussels who understand such a position and if there are countries in the EU that say they will not recognize Kosovo.

offered now, by people who have neither the experience nor the reputation of Ahtisaari and other politicians involved in the process, are aimed at undoing all that has been achieved and opening a new adventure, which no end is known. There may be attempts for "creative solutions", but like the trio that had come to an end, they will also come to the same conclusion that, more or less, independence according to Ahtisaari's proposal is the best possible solution. Looking for a "better solution" can create more problems than will be solved. And if they think that with some "creative solution" they will win the Nobel Peace Prize, let us also remind them that a Nobel Peace Prize for Kosovo has already been awarded, and Marti Ahtisaari won it. Now it is hard to believe that he should receive that award to give to some officials in Brussels or Pristina and Belgrade.