The change of change, the case of Vetevendosje

To maintain its winning position in an unprofiled, mediocre and corrupt political scene, the LVV also changed itself: from its rhetoric and style of governance, to its daily institutional practices. This transformation also reflected the evolution of its leadership, from a predominantly confrontational approach to a more pragmatic style.

The coming to power of the Vetëvendosje Movement in 2020, ten years after it had moved from the “street” to the institutions, was perceived as a break with political practices in Kosovo. The rotation in power, through an entity created outside traditional structures, represented not only a formal change, but was also accompanied by a new discourse of governance.

The Vetëvendosje movement over these years changed not only its behavior, but also the way it gained political support. It managed to adapt relatively quickly from a “rebellious” opposition movement to a governing force, reformulating its strategies in accordance with institutional circumstances. This transition was facilitated by its leadership, which for a long time had been identified with active oppositionism and criticism of political elites, creating a strong capital that was then transformed into electoral support.

In this sense, Vetëvendosje's repeated success in three other national elections can be interpreted as a result of a change in the political rhythm.

Unlike previous periods, when governments in Kosovo were the product of coalitions and compromises between parties, this phase was also characterized by the attempt of this entity to seek consolidation through direct relations with citizens.

Vetëvendosje did not build its support through traditional figures of the political establishment nor did it count on “alliances” with other parliamentary parties, but “melted” within the mass of citizens frustrated and disillusioned by almost twenty years of misgovernment. The critical voice of citizens was transformed into a political platform, while the discourse articulated by its leader functioned as a channel through which this dissatisfaction was institutionalized. Vetëvendosje gave power and legitimacy to the disillusioned voices that had not been heard enough.

To maintain its winning position in an unprofiled, mediocre, and corrupt political scene, the LVV also changed itself: from its rhetoric and style of governance to its daily institutional practices. This transformation also reflected the evolution of its leadership, from a predominantly confrontational approach to a more pragmatic style.

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A decisive role in the growth of support for the LVV, from 2010 until the elections of December 28, 2025, was played by the organizational incompetence and the consequences of the legacy of the opposition parties, PDK, LDK and AAK. These parties were penalized by two decades of misgovernance, nepotism, corruption and connections with elements of organized crime, while in the recent citizen perception also for a lack of willingness to put themselves in the service of the state interest during difficult processes, and especially during the recent institutional stalemate that lasted almost a year.

The opposition's discourse for five years remained mainly focused on criticizing the way VV is governing, without offering a serious alternative.

The opposition did not offer political and institutional support to actions to eliminate illegal Serbian structures, did not oppose the EU's punitive measures that came in response to actions in the north to establish law and order, and did not participate in other initiatives such as international financial agreements. These, which were more of national importance, were, unbeknownst to the opposition, transformed into favors for the entity that led the government.

The paradoxes were endless – for example, instead of the proposal to control the increase in the prices of basic products coming from the opposition, that proposal came from the Government. Instead of the demand for justice reform coming from the opposition, it came from the Government; instead of the opposition demanding the confiscation of illegally acquired property, it was the government that demanded it; instead of support for mothers, students, pensioners... coming from the opposition, the initiatives for them came from the Government; even the increase in the minimum wage was the will of the Government, as were the child allowances...

Their opposition and "blocking" through various forms, including the request for interpretation in the Constitution, however legitimate, appeared destructive in the eyes of the majority of the public.

This discourse led to the weakening of the political capital and public trust of the opposition parties, while creating additional room for maneuver for the LVV and the opportunity for it to confirm its large citizen support.  

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From its emergence as a protest force to its rise to power, the Vetëvendosje Movement has proven that modern politics is not just an exercise of power, but also a continuous process of adaptation and self-transformation. The case of the Vetëvendosje Movement also illustrates the concept of “change of change”. And in the face of the opposition’s concept of “non-change”, some rightly say that only Kurti can overthrow Kurti.