The events of the spring of 1981 in Kosovo, which began at the beginning of March with protests and demonstrations by student youth and then the people of Kosovo, who rose up to demand their legal freedoms and rights, as well as the status of the republic, just as all other peoples and ethnicities that were then in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had and enjoyed, led by the Bosniak Cvijetin Mijatović (Chairman of the Presidency, May 1980, May 1981), as is now known, had a harsh reaction from official Belgrade.
The high leadership of Serbia at that time, headed by Prime Minister Ivan Stambolic (Chairman of the Executive Council of the Socialist Republic of Serbia), on which the Autonomous Socialist Province of Kosovo depended at the time, sent armored forces and violently suppressed those protests, not only with police forces, but also by bringing out the army and tanks on the streets and squares of Pristina and other cities where those peaceful protests took place, where during all those days (March 11 - April 11, 1981), there were a total of 12 victims.
These events, which became headline news in all world media, as well as the public reaction of official Tirana, are now very well known from dozens of articles and archival documents that have been published mainly after the 90s, but what still remains a great enigma and has not been made known to this day is; how did the leader of communist Albania, Enver Hoxha, initially react to those events, what was his first impact on what was happening in Kosovo, and what steps did official Tirana then take to come to the aid of its compatriots in the Autonomous Socialist Province of Kosovo? Did Enver Hoxha stick to what he had said in 1970, that Fadil Hoxha and the senior leadership of Kosovo were doing very well to be against Kosovo being granted the status of a Republic within the framework of the Yugoslav Federation, or had he changed his mind and his position?!
For these, "memorie.al"has published archival documents from the Central State Archive (Enver Hoxha's personal fund). From the documents in question, it is noted that from March 4, 1981, (when the spontaneous protests of student youth in Pristina first began), until April 3, when Enver Hoxha held a working meeting with Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu and Ramiz Alina about the events in Kosovo, that is, for a month in a row, there has been complete silence and no meeting of the Political Bureau or the secretariat of the Central Committee of the ALP has been held, that is, no reaction from the senior leadership of the ALP and official Tirana.
Likewise, what is noticeable in these documents is the panic that has seized the main leader of communist Albania, Enver Hoxha, who has been undecided on the stance that official Tirana should take on the events in Kosovo, so much so that in another conversation in the Party House on April 5, 1981 with "leadership comrades" (Mehmet Shehu, Adil Çarçani, Hekuran Isai, Kadri Hazbiu, Pali Miska, Spiro Koleka, Rita Marko, Pilo Peristeri, Simon Stefani and Qiriako Mihali, Nedin Hoxha and Behar Shtylla), where they went for coffee, or to play cards, billiards, etc., Enver asks them: "What do you think about the recent events in Kosovo and what should we do? Should we take a stance and be concerned, or not?"
also The sacrilege of historical questionsLikewise, during another short conversation that Enver Hoxha had in his office with Ramiz Ali about a month later (on May 13, 1981), he told him: "It seems to me that our subordinates should also think about the events in Kosovo and not expect them to think only about me"!
ARCHIVE DOCUMENT OF THE MEETING OF ENVER HOXHA WITH MEHMET SHEHU AND RAMIZ ALIN, ON APRIL 3, 1981, RELATED TO THE EVENTS AND DEMONSTRATIONS HELD IN KOSOVO.
REGARDING THE DEMONSTRATIONS IN KOSOVO, 3. IV. 1981
In the meeting with comrades Mehmet Shehu and Ramiz Alia, regarding the demonstrations and the situation created in Kosovo, comrade Enver made the following assessment:
1. We must analyze the events in Kosovo in a broad plan, first of all in relation to our country, to the People's Socialist Republic of Albania. We know, and the Yugoslavs know this too, that our country is not involved, has no hand in the demonstrations that are taking place in Kosovo.
Our correct Marxist-Leninist policy has been and is to expand relations with Kosovo and other areas in Yugoslavia inhabited by Albanians, to help our brothers there as much as we can to gain as many of the rights recognized by the Yugoslav constitution as possible and to always keep alive and develop the feeling of the nation, language, customs, etc., to increase love for the People's Socialist Republic of Albania and our Party.
This just policy has yielded the results that we know, which we can consider satisfactory. We must not forget that all our enemies, imperialists, social-imperialists and others, have their eyes on socialist Albania, because this, with its just stances, with its consistent struggle, with the example it sets by consistently upholding Marxism-Leninism, is ruining the work of all the oppressors, exploiters and enemies of the peoples. Therefore, they are interested in liquidating socialist Albania. But how can they achieve this?
2. To attack it directly is difficult and very revealing for them. Therefore, they may think of achieving their goals by involving Albania in some important incident. From this point of view, the events in Kosovo may be instigated, or they may be used to provoke our country.
Imperialist, social-imperialist and other enemies think that the uprising of the people of Kosovo against the Tito regime could encourage Albania to intervene, to act, judging that the time has come to realize the unification of Kosovo with Albania.
And, if our Party takes this wrong step, they think, the enemies of socialist Albania will have the opportunity to intervene with weapons and realize their goals of annihilating this hearth of socialism, the People's Socialist Republic of Albania. But our Party and socialist state do not make this mistake, do not fall into these traps. In this matter we must be vigilant.
Now let's see more specifically who might be more interested in creating a critical situation in Yugoslavia in general, and in Kosovo in particular? Let's take them one by one. The Greeks and the Italians are not interested. Like them, the Americans do not want Yugoslavia to weaken or disintegrate for the time being. So it can be ruled out that they have a hand in the events in Kosovo.
What about the Soviets? It could be. However, it is difficult to fully accept this version. First, because (we do not know), it is incredible that the Titoites gave the Soviets such a free hand that they organized such a large network of spies that it would be able to stir up the masses.
Then we do not know that the Soviets have made so many economic investments in Kosovo, which would favor to some extent their influence and presence there. Secondly, because Kosovars, as good Albanian patriots that they are, find it difficult to trust the Russians, whether historically they have been pro-Serbs and anti-Albanians, or because the Russians are now known as fierce sworn enemies of Socialist Albania and the Party of Labor of Albania.
3. Reasoning in this way, given what we know about the situation in Kosovo, we can conclude that it is more likely that the demonstrations and mass revolt in Kosovo are the work of internal forces. From what we have followed the development of Kosovo and the positions of various elements, it appears that there is a group of people there, mainly senior leaders who are satisfied with the existing situation, who see Kosovo as connected to Serbia and as its tail. Yesterday's speech by Xhavit Nimani is a reflection of this comment.
There is then another group of people in Kosovo, who can be called moderates, who are for the development of Kosovo, using the rights that the Yugoslav constitution gives it and thus, step by step and under favorable conditions, to achieve something more. These are measured in the steps they take, but, it seems, they are neither organized nor have any particular influence on the masses.
There are also various groups in Kosovo, from those called Marxist-Leninists to other exalted elements who are in favor of actions. It is precisely these who may be the instigators of the demonstrations and events that are taking place there.
These people (or any of them) may have been encouraged and incited (prompters operate in many subtle ways) by Soviet agents, just as they may have been encouraged by the Croats, and even by the Serbs, for actions like these that are taking place, being told that now is the right time, etc., etc.
Why might they be encouraged by the Soviets or the Croats, of course. But why by the Serbs? They might want to use this opportunity to attack the Albanians, to oppress and terrorize them, and to take advantage of it to curb to some extent the ties and relations that have developed so widely between Kosovo and the People's Socialist Republic of Albania.
They know that, despite the fact that Albania has no hand in these events, in the demonstrations and revolts in Kosovo, in the patriotism that the youth and people of Kosovo are expressing, the influence of Albania, of the Party of Labor of Albania, is present, which has grown greatly there thanks to our fair policy and the relations we have established with Kosovo.
4. This is how I think about the events taking place in Kosovo. How should these events, the demonstrations and the revolt of the youth and people of Kosovo be evaluated? Despite the fact that today's conditions are not favorable for achieving maximum results, despite the fact that the Titoists will suppress and take measures against the Kosovar patriots, these demonstrations are positive and will exert a positive effect.
On the international level, they show the world once again that Tito's Yugoslavia is rotten, that it is not as it appears, as a "paradise" for the nations that comprise it, but a hell, where populations of different nationalities are oppressed and exploited.
This confirms everything our Party has said about Titoism, Yugoslavia and self-administration. On the other hand, again on an international level, these demonstrations once again raised before the whole world the problem of Kosovo, the injustice that has been done to our people.
Internally, these demonstrations will further increase the fighting spirit and patriotism of the Albanians of Kosovo and other areas inhabited by Albanians in Yugoslavia. They will also serve the Serbs and Titoists, because; "here we are, the Albanians, who do not agree with this situation and, when the day comes, we will know how to gain our rights by force, because we are not afraid of your tanks or your planes".
What should we do in this situation? Be vigilant. We cannot come to the direct aid of our Kosovar brothers. This, for all that I have said, is neither advisable nor useful. Nothing good would come to either Kosovo or the People's Socialist Republic of Albania; on the contrary, we would fall into the trap of our enemies. But indirectly we must help our Kosovar brothers.
5. Our ambassador in Belgrade should be instructed to meet at the Foreign Secretariat and, first of all, consider as discriminatory the fact that, while ambassadors of several other countries have been officially informed of the events taking place in Kosovo, the Albanian ambassador of a neighboring country, who is interested in blood brothers, has not been informed at all by the Foreign Secretariat of Yugoslavia.
Secondly, to advise Yugoslavs to be cautious towards the demonstrators, not to follow the path of attacks and repression, which is neither in the best interest of the Kosovar people nor of Yugoslavia itself.
Third, to recommend that the just demands that have been presented by Kosovars, and that derive from the Constitution of Yugoslavia, should be met.
Note: The conversation was typed according to notes taken by comrade Ramiz Alia.
ARCHIVE DOCUMENT WITH ENVER HOXHA'S CONVERSATION WITH MEMBERS OF THE POLITICAL BUREAU AT THE PARTY'S HOUSE IN TIRANA, REGARDING THE EVENTS IN KOSOVO, ACCORDING TO NOTES KEEPPEN BY BEHAR SHTYLLA
NOTES FROM COMRADE ENVER'S CONVERSATION WITH COMrades of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Albanian People's Party on the Recent Events in Kosovo
Tonight, comrade Enver toasted at the Party house. One after another, comrades Mehmet Shehu, Adil Çarçani, Hekuran Isai, Kadri Hazbiu, Pali Miska, Spiro Koleka, Rita Marko, Pilo Peristeri, Simon Stefani and Qiriako Mihali also came. Comrade Nedin Hoxha and I were also there. After other matters, comrade Enver addressed the comrades with the question:
also
Surroi for misinterpreting the statement regarding the 1981 demonstrations
– What do you think about the recent events in Kosovo and what should we do? Should we take a stand and be concerned or not? We have all read the news and we need to decide on this issue. Since almost the entire leadership is here tonight, it is good to talk.
At first, Comrade Enver asked Comrade Spiro what he thought. Comrade Spiro expressed the opinion that we should express ourselves with an article in defense of the efforts of the people of Kosovo for their rights and against the barbaric repressive measures of the Yugoslav leadership.
After him, comrade Adil took the floor, who also spoke about the article, arguing that this is our right and duty, and is not at all interference in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia.
Comrade Hekuran Isai, arguing with the conjunctures and interests of our country's Security, expressed the opinion that perhaps at this time we should not go public on this issue.
Comrade Rita Marko said that we should come out with an article, both our people and the people of Kosovo are waiting for what our Party will say, and this will have a positive effect.
Comrade Kadri, although he considers the events in Kosovo positive and considers it right for our Party to take a stand, thinks that perhaps the public stance may not be expressed immediately these days, but rather when it will be most appropriate.
Comrade Pali expressed his willingness to come up with an article.
At this moment, comrade Enver took the floor, saying that apparently all comrades are of the same mind that we should take a stand, with the exception of Hekurani who thinks that this should be done at another time. I, comrade Enver continued, have talked with Mehmet and Ramiz, and so we have decided, as you said, to come up with our point of view on the recent events in Kosovo.
Comrade Enver said that we thought of acting in this way:
1. On Tuesday, we will publish an extended news story on these events in the press, based on the news from "Tanjug" and the speeches of various leaders of Kosovo, Serbia, and Yugoslavia, citing those parts and those characterizations which will then be used in the article both as facts and to attack them.
2. We will publish an article about these events on Wednesday or Thursday.
Then comrade Enver developed the reasons why it is necessary to take a public stance on these events. The main ideas he developed, briefly, are these:
1. Our party and state must express their position publicly on these events, because we maintain a strong position on important events everywhere in the world, even in distant countries. How can we remain silent then about these events that are happening on our border, in Kosovo, for our brothers?! Neither our people nor Kosovo would understand this silence.
2. Our Party's stance on these events is expected by our people at home, by the people of Kosovo, and by world public opinion; this must also be the case within Yugoslavia. Let us dot the i's, and let everyone see clearly the correct, principled, consistent, and unwavering stance of our Party and State.
3. This will be a great support for the people of Kosovo. Our brothers in Kosovo will see this time too that mother Albania is with them in every difficult case, just as Kosovo will always be in support of Albania, and the Yugoslavs will also understand that we do not let them do as they please with the Albanian people in Kosovo and elsewhere. This is very important.
Comrade Enver, assessing the events in Kosovo, noted the following, with key aspects:
1. The events that took place in March and the first days of April in Pristina and other parts of Kosovo are positive and of great importance. Students, workers, the people of Kosovo are fighting for their rights that are recognized by the Yugoslav Constitution, but which are in fact denied to them. Perhaps the moment and the path chosen for this action were not the most appropriate at the moment, but these are what they judged; they are acting for a just cause.
2. As it turns out, these events are not spontaneous. There is organization there, and not only in Pristina, but throughout Kosovo. These events were prepared, and this was known in advance. We have no hand in these events, our principled position on the Kosovo issue is well known even to the Yugoslavs, despite the allusions made in the press and in their speeches, but of course, in this growth of national consciousness and fighting spirit in Kosovo, the policy of our party, the various connections, the cultural exchanges of our people with Kosovo, have their influence.
3. The leadership of the province, that of Serbia and Yugoslavia, have attacked the people of Kosovo with unprecedented fury and cruelty, have taken extremely severe and brutal measures, even murder: curfew, arrests, raids and torture, patrols with tanks and planes. From what we know, because we do not have details, a savage repression is being exercised in Kosovo and we cannot remain silent.
ç. On this occasion, the leaders of Kosovo and the entire leadership of Serbia and Yugoslavia did not leave accusations and vileness unsaid against the Kosovars, even Fadil Hoxha and Xhavit Nimani with their friends were full of bitterness, especially Fadil. They did this willingly or under duress, it matters little. On television, when Xhavit Nimani spoke, he did not raise his head, while Fadil vented his hatred and tried to punch the trapeze.
They went as far as to make monstrous slanders, as if the demonstrators had put children in front so that the police could not shoot. We will say in the article, said comrade Enver, that Albanians are not used to this and are not afraid, gangsters do this, but if there were also school children, this proves that the demonstrations were peaceful in nature.
Meanwhile, the claim of the Yugoslav gangsters means that if the children had not been in the demonstrations, the police would have committed massacres and would have unleashed tanks against the demonstrators.
What problems will be addressed in the article?
Comrade Enver briefly developed the main topics that are intended to be addressed in the article. They will mainly be these:
and - The principled policy of our Party towards the Yugoslav people and Yugoslavia both during the time of the LNC and after liberation.
b- The right of our Party and state to be interested in the Albanian population of Kosovo and other regions, this is also our duty, – and this cannot be considered interference in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia.
c - What are Kosovars demanding and why are they demonstrating: for problems and rights that the Yugoslav constitution recognizes for them, but that the Yugoslav leadership ignores or does not take into account.
what – The economic situation of Kosovo compared to other provinces and republics of Yugoslavia: blatant discrimination with facts given by the Yugoslavs themselves.
d - Demands for freedom and a republic: not secession, but within the constitution and substantiated: separation from Serbia (Vidic's chauvinistic speech) and a federal republic within the framework of Yugoslavia.
and – Nationalism and irredentism: well-known political doctrines, and how they should be understood in the case of Kosovo. Those who are themselves irredentists cannot speak of irredentism, etc.
is - Repressive measures and oppression of Kosovars.
to end. Those who think they will scare the Albanians with police and tanks are mistaken. The people of Kosovo are brave and patient, but they will not allow their rights to be trampled on.
ë – We reaffirm our position on relations with Yugoslavia.
5. - Comrade Enver informed his comrades about the instructions given to our Ambassador in Belgrade yesterday, who last night requested a meeting at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade. He will say that he has learned from his colleagues that they have been summoned to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and have been informed about the events in Kosovo, while he, the Ambassador of Albania, has not been summoned. He will protest this discrimination. At the same time, he will say that he has learned from the press about the recent events in Kosovo and will demand an end to the unjust repressive measures, etc.
All comrades expressed their complete agreement with Comrade Enver's thoughts.
Comrade Enver, after an intervention by comrade Mehmet, expressed the opinion that it is not excluded that our article on the events in Kosovo will have an effect on the issue of our gold held by England and reparations from Germany, since the Western governments, as bourgeois that they are, will remember that now Albania is breaking up with Yugoslavia and may approach the Soviet Union, therefore they should take steps on the issue of gold and reparations to avoid such an approach by Albania. (Comrade Enver said this with a laugh).
The meeting continued until 20:40 p.m. When comrade Enver stood up, he said that this meeting, even though no minutes were taken, was necessary because the issue was important and we had to decide together.
NOTE: I wrote these notes down immediately after returning from the Party house. They contain the main ideas.
Behar Pillar
also
How did Tito block democratic reform?
Tirana, April 5, 1981, Sunday, 22:30 p.m.
Title changed by KOHA
