Djukanovic: Serbia was a platform for Russian interests in the Western Balkans

"As far as I know the political circumstances in Kosovo, I would say that there are strong determinations for Kosovo to become part of NATO and the EU in the future. I believe that this is also the sure result of the future development of Kosovo's state policy. From our experience, I would tell you that NATO membership is very, very important. Not only because of such situations that we are going through, but especially from the experience of these last five years, when one could simply see with the eyes more reliable stability in Montenegro than before, and when one could distinguish confidence the largest of foreign investors, especially from the Euro-Atlantic area, compared to Montenegro as a destination for investments", said the Malaysian president

Serbia to a considerable extent has helped to bring Russian interests to life in the Western Balkans region, which has been a kind of platform for their realization in the region, said the President of Montenegro, Milo Djukanovic.

In an interview for TIME, Djukanović addressed calls to both Kosovo and Serbia for the continuation of the constructive dialogue. He expressed deep distrust towards the president of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, regarding the "Open Balkans", this joint initiative of Albania, Serbia and North Macedonia for the region. He described as understandable the efforts of Kosovo for membership in NATO, after the outbreak of the war in Ukraine.

"As far as I know the political circumstances in Kosovo, I would say that there are strong determinations for Kosovo to become part of NATO and the EU in the future. I believe that this is also the sure result of the future development of Kosovo's state policy", said the Malaysian president, who is expected to visit Kosovo in the coming months.

KOHA: Mr. Djukanovic, first of all, thank you for accepting this interview!

Djukanovic: Thank you for your interest! It's a pleasure.

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time: You have been active in politics for over 30 years now. You were among the central political figures during the main historical events in the Balkans. Even during the three wars that took place and that resulted in the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. And now, in 2022, another war is taking place in Europe, in Ukraine. Did you think that you will also witness a war?

Djukanovic: Honestly no, and I hoped that it could not happen, because the memories of the tragedy that the Yugoslav state and the peoples living in this territory have gone through are still very fresh. Unfortunately, we are now all together witnessing a new aggression in an independent and sovereign country, such as Ukraine, and we are all witnessing a serious threat to the overall security of Europe. I'm sorry this is happening. I am trying, together with other actors of the political life of Montenegro, to react at an appropriate time and in a way that will warn the aggressor that he must abandon this type of strategy of fulfilling his strategic goals, that he must returns to the political dialogue, and that of course we all together try to maximally embolden and help Ukraine and the Ukrainian people to resist aggression and thus preserve the greatest values ​​of their society and to simultaneously contribute to European security.

Fierce Russian attack on Ukrainian independence

time: Montenegro has officially aligned itself with the Western world, but has imposed sanctions on Russia. But at the same time there were protests in Podgorica and other cities of Montenegro in support of Putin. While, on the other hand, Russia has included Montenegro in the list of unfriendly countries, together with Albania and North Macedonia. Can this produce consequences?

Djukanovic: Yes, first of all, I believe that no one has been surprised by the fact that Montenegro, from the first moment of the Russian aggression in Ukraine, has had an identical attitude to that of all progressive European countries. I say that it does not surprise anyone who has had access to what is the continuity of state politics in Montenegro. So, it is completely clear that Russia has fiercely attacked the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, although it has embarked on a severe violation of international law, as well as endangering the lives of people in Ukraine, in the brutal violation of human rights in this country. So, all of these are reasons that have not left us indifferent, nor have they swayed anyone in making the assessment that it is an aggression and that this aggression should be sanctioned. If we do not sanction the aggression, then it will continue and it will hit not only this country that is currently hitting it, but potentially also each of the European countries, and in any case, it is already hitting the European value system hard. In addition, it should be borne in mind that Montenegro is already more than a decade in talks with the European Union for membership, therefore all European institutions, already in many circumstances and for many years, have given the assessment that Montenegro has fulfilled successfully all its obligations from the security and foreign policy agenda and has coordinated one hundred percent its security and foreign policy with the European Union. Therefore, I assume that there was no surprise about this for anyone who knows the political circumstances of Montenegro. Likewise, it should come as no surprise that in a part of the Malaysian public there are still people who have anti-Russian sentiments and think that these sentiments are reason enough to approve Russian aggression in Ukraine at this moment. You just have to remember the facts. The history of Malaysian-Russian interstate relations is very long. Longer than three centuries. For this reason, one should not overlook this emotion that prevails in a part of the inhabitants of Montenegro, and I repeat, which is clearly strong enough to prevail over the reasoning for the act of aggression against another European state, a people as well close, such as the Ukrainian people. It should also be remembered that for more than a century, the then Russian rulers had given Montenegro the assessment that it is the only Russian friend in Europe. Today, unfortunately, we have come to the point where Moscow's policy sees Montenegro as an enemy. Why? Because Montenegro has decided to choose its own path towards the future, it has chosen to be the path of European and Euro-Atlantic integration, the path of membership in NATO and the EU. When we made this choice, immediately after re-independence, we did not hide this fact from anyone, neither from those who supported us in this, nor from those who had reservations. We have made this very clear to everyone and, as you can see, we have followed this path very carefully. When Russia realized in 2016 that Montenegro will join NATO - and in the meantime the geopolitical circumstances, geopolitical relations, relations between East and West have changed significantly - then it tried with the help of Serbia to stop Montenegro towards its last step for membership in NATO. There was no success in this. Montenegro, since the beginning of 2017, is a member of NATO and since then has been continuing a kind of silent hostility, which has now been publicly declared by placing Montenegro on the list of state enemies of Russia. I would say that all this development of events in mutual relations does not encourage us to hesitate even in terms of respecting our history and tradition - we neither want nor can we run away from this history of closeness in interstate relations , so with respect we also remind you that in 2006, on the eve of the referendum, Russia, together with all European and Euro-Atlantic countries, supported the right of Montenegro with the referendum, i.e. with the free right of the citizens, to decides on its own future and has respected such will by the very fact that it has immediately accepted Montenegro as an independent state. So, we don't forget any of these, but all of these are not reasons to give up on ourselves and our future. We really think that the future of every country is in the hands of its citizens. Therefore, Montenegro has decided to renew its independence in a referendum, so as to pursue its European and Euro-Atlantic goals, and this should not pose a problem for any other country.

time: What about the protests in Montenegro?

Djukanovic: When you mentioned the protests, as I said, it should be understood that the societies of the Western Balkans are societies that have stagnated economically and democratically for a long time and are societies that today are trying to adopt the European value system through the process of emancipation and become integral part of contemporary European civilization. This is not an act, it is a process that will last. If for centuries we have lagged behind in European civilization, then it is not realistic to expect that in a decade and a half of independence we will compensate for all this. What should be taken into account is that in Montenegro this process of emancipation has flowed successfully and that during these last 30 years we have continuously advanced our European policy, and that it has been advanced primarily through the support of the citizens. So, until the last parliamentary elections on August 30, 2020, including the referendum, in none of these electoral processes has it happened that the pro-European policy of Montenegro remains in the minority. In continuation, therefore, we have a growing majority and I am sure that this is the case even today, but we should not overlook the fact that in a part of society there are people who still oppose this, oppose the idea of ​​Europeanization of Montenegro, who oppose the idea of ​​the integration of the Western Balkans into the EU, who think that we should remain in a certain status of isolation in relation to European and Euro-Atlantic integrations, who think that we should be under the protection of Russia. So, these people in democratic countries, such as Montenegro, have the right to express their democratic attitude, but it must be known very clearly that this attitude is of the minority, that this attitude is absolute and can never question the consistency and the determination of the state policy of Montenegro to continue the path of implementing full membership in the EU.

time: But do you think that the current situation in Ukraine and these attitudes that you mentioned now could lead to a new destabilization in Montenegro?

Djukanovic: No one excludes this, since we know, unfortunately, that Russia, not since yesterday, has declared its doctrine of destruction and that it is trying to implement this doctrine of destruction throughout the European continent. It is somewhat logical that this choice of hers to use the Western Balkans, even though it is not yet part of Europe, as a ground for access to the EU. When I say it is a logical choice, this is because, unfortunately, here, firstly, we still have weak states with weak capacities, and, secondly, there are enough inhabitants with pro-Russian sentiments. Therefore, Russia is unfortunately playing hard with these people and their emotions, offering only to be destructive factors against their own home, because if you agree to be in anyone's interest and destructive factor of Europe, you undermine it. your own home. We are Europeans. It should also be noted that Russia is not offering an alternative. Maybe it would be interesting to see if there is any other competing geopolitical idea against the idea of ​​European and Euro-Atlantic integration, but there isn't. The idea is "let us all go together in destruction against European unity and against the European system of values". Unfortunately, some people in the Western Balkans accept this kind of manipulation. In Montenegro, we have known this manipulation since 2016, when a coup d'état was organized here to prevent Montenegro's path to the EU and NATO, and in Montenegro this anti-European and at the same time anti-Euro-Atlantic idea has finally succeeded . But, I repeat, in the Western Balkans there is still fertile ground for this kind of destruction. As you know, the majority of military analysts now think that the future stability and security of Europe will largely depend on the outcome of the military conflict in Ukraine, because there are many people who think that Russian aggression, if it were to be shown successful in Ukraine, it would not stop at the Ukrainian borders and many of them identify precisely the Western Balkans as a seismic and unstable area when it comes to security, which could be used even more to destabilize the situation on the European continent. Without a doubt, we should all take this into account. From Malaysian experience, my answer to your question is as follows. In 2016, Russia tried to stop Montenegro from joining NATO and it did not succeed. So no one, perhaps even the most naive, could assume that Russia would give up. Russia continues to develop this policy of its own and it is now trying to prove this doctrine of destruction, in the case of Montenegro, I assume also of North Macedonia, successful, so that it would destabilize a country that is a member of NATO. So, we certainly take this into account and are trying to ensure the necessary strength of resistance to this attempt to make our institutions dysfunctional from the outside by strengthening a certain institutional order in the state.

time: But how can the small Montenegro resist this pressure and detach itself from the pressure of Russia, but also of Serbia?

Djukanovic: Yes. We have been enduring this pressure since 2016 and there is no secret here. Serbia to a considerable extent has helped to bring to life what were Russian interests in the Western Balkans region, which has been a kind of platform for the realization of Russian interests in this region. Montenegro is what it is, but, as you can see in today's case of Ukraine, it shows how strong a weapon it is when you protect your home, when you protect your freedom, your values. This is always a much more powerful position than the position of the state that causes all this. Over the past years, Montenegro has shown that although it is a small country in terms of territory and population, it has managed to protect its values ​​and it has managed to protect its right to free elections. the future. Today it should be known that Montenegro and all the countries of the Western Balkans are empowered with a new intensity and quality of European unity. It seems to me that never in a shorter term has such a homogenization occurred on the European continent and such a determination within the NATO Alliance, so I believe that today we are all more empowered to continue the protection of our common values. both in our homes and in other homes in which these values ​​are under attack. For this reason, I repeat that Ukraine is not only defending itself, Ukraine is defending European security, European values, and therefore we must take this into account, therefore we must strongly defend this heroic resistance of Ukraine to show that the anarchic political models that Russia is using in relation to Ukraine, however, represent the past and cannot lead to the result that Russia clearly wanted in this case. I think that we should all use this as a kind of bravery so that we can also strengthen our value system, our unity and in this way ensure a clear and successful future for each European nation and state.

Membership in NATO is very, very important

time: When it comes to unity, since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, Kosovo insists more and more on membership in NATO. Do you believe that Kosovo's membership in the NATO Alliance would be a guarantee for security in the Balkans?

Djukanovic: First of all, I am not surprised by such a state policy in Kosovo. As far as I know the political circumstances in Kosovo, I would say that there are strong determinations for Kosovo to become part of NATO and the EU in the future. I believe that this is the sure result of the future development of Kosovo's state policy. From our experience, I would tell you that membership in NATO is very, very important, not only because of such situations that we are going through, but also from the experience of these last five years, when just with the eyes you can to see more reliable stability in Montenegro than before and when one could distinguish the greater confidence of foreign investors, especially from the Euro-Atlantic area, towards Montenegro as a destination for investments. For years, Montenegro has been the country with the best ratio of foreign direct investments compared to GDP. And thanks to such trust and flow of investments, Montenegro has developed very intensively. So, there is no doubt that NATO membership offers serious benefits in terms of security, political stability, citizens' safety, but also in terms of economic development.

Serious mistrust towards Vučić

time: Recently, the attitude of Montenegro has been similar to that of Kosovo regarding the "Open Balkans", which is an initiative of Albania, Serbia and North Macedonia. Why has Montenegro chosen not to be part of this initiative?

Djukanovic: There are several reasons that have led us to take this position. The first point is that there are already more than 30 regional initiatives in this region. Fear that instead of using the capacity of existing initiatives, we constantly create new ones. And very often it happens that the content of one initiative coincides with that of another. This is also the case with the "Open Balkans". Here now an effort is being made to realize something that is very clearly defined through initiatives such as the Berlin Process and the CEFTA initiative. These initiatives are under the umbrella of powerful international power centers. So the Berlin Process is launched in Berlin, as the name suggests, and is under the strong supervision of the EU. If you ask me, if I will cooperate, if I will decide whether I should trust more the initiative launched by Berlin and Brussels or the similar initiative launched by our region, which does not mean that what we want to achieve we do it respecting European standards, but also respecting some semi-European standards, some Balkan standards, so there is no doubt that I will always be on the side of the initiative that is under the supervision of the EU. Why? Because we actually experience regional initiatives as good chances and as a good time for preparing all our countries for life in the united European community. This is the first and most important reason. The second reason is that we have serious mistrust against some of the authors of this initiative...

time: Which one?

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Djukanovic: Concretely, I have serious mistrust towards the president of Serbia. Why is this distrust happening? This is not some kind of anti-Serb attitude. On the contrary. Throughout history, we have also had long and meaningful relations and friendship with Serbia, but unfortunately there have been too many stages when Serbia has revealed its unconcealed ambition to annex Montenegro, treating it as a Serbian state, trying to deny the Malaysian national identity, therefore, treating the Montenegrins as Serbs to prove the unreasonableness of the existence of the independent Malaysian state...

time: The Serbian Orthodox Church also helped in all this...?

Djukanovic: Naturally. The Serbian Orthodox Church is one of the instruments of Serbian nationalism in this region. It has come into particular consideration in recent years. At the time of Milosevic, Serbian nationalists had a very wide repertoire for the realization of their goal, starting from the army through federal laws, federal police and all federal institutions. Today it is not this repertoire, the Serbian Orthodox Church has remained as a relatively legitimate cross-border instrument of Serbian nationalism. And we have noticed all this disastrous political influence and misuse of the Serbian Orthodox Church, precisely in the example of Montenegro in 2020. But why do I remember all this? Serbia has its own goal, that is, to question the Malaysian citizenship, to question the Malaysian cultural and religious identity, and this is being seen very clearly during the last years, when Aleksandar Vucic is at the head of the Serbian state. It is being served with the same construction as Slobodan Milosevic was served. First, the alleged threat of the Serbs in the region is announced, and then the readiness of the Serbian state to protect the endangered rights of the Serbs in the region is declared. And then, of course, Serbia enters the destruction of the sovereignty of the neighboring states. So, it is unlikely that he who has these hidden intentions and who does not hide them neatly enough after they have become evident, and even when Vuçiqi himself does not tell them, all his other collaborators, starting from the minister of of the Interior, so they talk about the Serbian world. And this is just another name for the idea of ​​a greater Serbia. Then, they are trying to realize their nationalist project, and then they try to camouflage this destruction of theirs with some fairy tale of regional cooperation, which they literally define as "Open Balkan". It should be naive enough to say: "yes, yes this is another welcome regional initiative". No. This doesn't work for us. We cannot afford such naivety, but we must see what lies behind it. Behind this we are seeing this destruction, the attempt to destroy the sovereignty of the neighboring states, and for this reason we say very clearly that one of the authors of this initiative has no credibility for us to encourage us to join this initiative.

time: Finally, you have been linked to the attempted assassination of Vučić. How do you comment on this?

Djukanovic: It is about a harsh fabrication, a fabrication that should be used to homogenize the internal public. As you have seen in the further development of this narrative, no evidence has appeared, as not even a single letter has been presented that could prove such a fabrication, because it is absolutely an absolute fabrication. I am the president of the state of Montenegro and not an assassin and not someone who is an organizer of terrorist acts in this region. I am the president of Montenegro, who has shown and still shows today the best intention to cooperate with all countries, including Serbia, to the extent that Serbia enables this, until the ideas of Serbo-Magyar nationalism that have been located in several institutions such as the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, they have not questioned our good interstate relations. Today, when the idea of ​​a greater Serbia has found an address at the very head of Serbia's state policy, naturally these relations cannot be so good anymore, because our interests are completely opposite. Serbian nationalism from the seats of the highest state addresses of Serbia wants Montenegro not to have. And Montenegro, logically, wants to last, it wants to be a responsible state, a responsible neighbor, a responsible factor in regional cooperation, it is already a member of NATO and wants to become part of the EU. And, of course, we will remain open for future cooperation as well, when Serbia comes back to itself and starts dealing with its European future, stops endangering the sovereignty and stability of neighboring states.

Threats are not the way to solve problems...

time: How do you see Serbia's position against Kosovo's efforts to speed up NATO membership? Are threats from the Serbian side also addressed? How do you see this?

Djukanovic: From what I have told you, it is clear to you that I do not approve of the language of threats and I know that this is not the way to solve problems in mutual relations. This has always been, as now in the Russian-Ukrainian case, only a path of complications and the creation of traumas, which would only make it difficult to return to the political ground and to reach a solution that can always only be political. So, for me, it is a completely legitimate interest of Kosovo to be part of the European and Euro-Atlantic integrations. I am deeply convinced that the key problem of this region is its instability, and I have said many times that we have a lot of evidence, both in past and recent history, that shows that we do not have sufficiently reliable mechanisms, only mechanisms regulatory for our regional stability. For this reason, we must strengthen stability through the integration process. And for that reason, for me it is a sign of equality between the stability of the Western Balkans and its European and Euro-Atlantic integration. In the case of the relations between Kosovo and Serbia, it is very important that both sides show responsibility towards the dialogue that has started and try to develop this dialogue until a final solution. The position of Montenegro is clear. Montenegro has accepted the independence of Kosovo because it was convinced, both then and now, that this is the only right view towards the future.

time: But there were also calls from the Montenegrin side to withdraw the recognition of Kosovo's independence?

Djukanovic: Even today you will hear certain voices from Montenegro that will say that Russia is right to have attacked Ukraine. And these same voices I assume are those who think that the recognition of Kosovo should be withdrawn. I told you, the process of emancipation is continuing. If someone thought that in 15 years he would achieve XNUMX% emancipation in the Montenegrin society, he did not really think. So, today in our society, and in the society of Kosovo, as in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, there are people who accept these emancipatory ideas more slowly. The most important thing is to testify, I think that we in Montenegro are witnesses that this process is developing, that from year to year it is bringing certain benefits. So, I have no doubt that the majority in Montenegro is not only on the side of European and Euro-Atlantic integration, but is on the side of extremely good relations with neighboring countries, as well as good regional cooperation. I return to the message I wanted to convey regarding this relationship that exists between Kosovo and Serbia. I consider that it is very important that both in one and in the other address the return to constructive dialogue happens as soon as possible, because we all must know that in the end there can be no other solution to this problem than a political agreement. The only question is how much time we will waste, how many complications we will make and whether we will be able to bring ourselves to such a state of irrationality that we again endanger stability and potentially endanger people's lives. We hope not, but we must not challenge the limits of our tolerance and the limits of intolerance. The responsible political leaders, both from one and the other address, should initiate this dialogue with all their capacity, see that as soon as possible they reach a solution that would strengthen stability, that would open the perspective of good cooperation between the two countries and that would ensure that both one and the other state go towards the realization of strategic political goals.

Abazovic for prime minister, proof of the emancipation of Montenegro

time: Let's move now to the internal politics of Montenegro. You mandated the Albanian politician and your political opponent Dritan Abazović for the formation of the new Government of Montenegro. Do you see Abazović as prime minister and where will your party stand in the new Montenegrin government?

Djukanovic: If I didn't see him as prime minister, I wouldn't propose him as a representative, that's clear. There is no doubt that the Democratic Party of Socialists has said that it is ready to support the minority government, that it does not prefer this model, that it prefers the political government, but we are aware that at this moment it is difficult to create a consensus about this solution and that is why we are ready to support the minority government with only one condition. And this is that all political goals, political priorities of this government must be in accordance with the essential pro-European and pro-Atlantic policy of Montenegro. If it will be so, then there is no doubt that even at the moment of the election of the minority government in the parliament, we will support such a government. The circumstance you mention, that Dritan Abazoviqi is a candidate for prime minister in Montenegro, proves something I told you before. Montenegro is seriously emancipating itself as a society. Of course, it cannot be markedly different from all the Balkan societies because, unfortunately, we have gone through the common painful history. But Montenegro stands out for the fact that, honestly and without calculations, during the last few decades it worked seriously on modernization, on the adoption of European standards, it has seriously tried the implementation of European values, and these have already given certain results. Therefore, I want to tell you that in Montenegro there is a civic consciousness, which absolutely does not question the national affiliation of the representative. As Dritan Abazoviqi, an Albanian from Montenegro, is a candidate for office today, so could any Bosnian, Muslim, Serb or Croat. So these places are not reserved for Montenegrins. Montenegro is a state of citizens, many parties, both civic and national, function within it. It was shown at one point that it is impossible to form the government without the participation of the URA civic movement, headed by Dritan Abazoviqi, and I consider that it is a quality of Montenegro that no one has questioned. I assume that you have registered that even the parties that saw themselves as Serbian nationalist parties did not question Abazović because of his national affiliation. They question whether he respects the electoral will of the citizens from the August 30 elections. Others question the work if the party that has 4 mandates of deputies can provide the prime minister. Can she, with her four mandates, guarantee the stability of this minority government? These are political issues that are democratically discussed in Montenegro. But I repeat, the capacity of the Montenegrin civil society is such that I would say that these issues are absorbed in Montenegro. In Montenegro today, we can proudly say that every person, regardless of their national or religious affiliation, feels like a first-class citizen here, a citizen with equal rights who has the right to elect and be elected, and to hold the highest state offices.

time: But from the cities of Montenegro with an Albanian majority, young people are fleeing day by day, more and more. There is still no university in the Albanian language, nor are there any newspapers in Albanian. Considering the fact that they played a decisive role in the 2006 referendum for the independence of Montenegro, do you think that the Albanians could be in a better position?

Djukanovic: Yes, there is no doubt. This is a process that never ends. No matter how much it seems to you that you have completely regulated human rights, as well as those of minorities, as of tomorrow a new horizon will open and you must always have a sufficiently sensitive state policy that will identify these new needs and try to to regulate them constitutionally. When we adopted the Constitution in 2007, we proudly emphasized that we have regulated the rights of minorities at a higher level than in many European countries. So I always think that in Montenegro there is a good climate and there is a responsible political relationship of the main political factors against the idea of ​​constantly reviewing the rights of political minorities in the country in a truly qualitative way. Of course, this is based on the awareness that is not from this time, which has been installed in Montenegro for a long time already. Montenegro is entirely possible only as a citizen state, and therefore there are no nationalist frictions here, as you had in more or less all the former Yugoslav republics in the early 90s. For this reason, we can proudly say that Montenegro is the only former Yugoslav republic in whose territory there was no war during the 90s and which was able to accept 1999 refugees in 120.000, which constituted 20 percent of our total population. I want to tell you that here there is a kind of implicitly fair relationship against the minorities and therefore it is not a coincidence that the minorities in every critical moment of Montenegro have been in the right position. Remember the extraordinary contribution that the minorities made to the renewal of the independence of Montenegro in the 2006 referendum. This is highly respected here. Whether this body of minority rights can and should be advanced further, there is no doubt. This should be taken care of through the process, first of all, of economic development. So today, not only for the minorities, but also for every citizen of Montenegro, we would like to ensure as many rights as possible, but, unfortunately, this process of reaching the European standard of living cannot be carried out for some years. It will take longer. For this reason, today not only citizens of minority peoples are leaving Montenegro, but young people are leaving, just like in all other Balkan countries, because they see better chances for ensuring existence in other countries. This is resolved with development. In order to implement the desired pace of development, we must first strengthen stability. We believed that we have achieved a sufficient level of stability but, as you can see, a sudden security incident in Europe, such as the endangering of the independence and territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, is actually shaking all of Europe and not only the Western Balkans . Unfortunately, this is taking up our precious time. Now here again we are back to security issues, instead of dealing with development and European integration issues. Let's hope that this strength in Europe and in NATO will help to end this conflict as soon as possible and that we can get back to what we have to live with. It is a matter of development, of opening quality jobs, of course, of advancing the rule of law and protecting the rights of each individual and minority peoples, as well as of implementing a clear European perspective.

Visit to Kosovo

time: We have been told that you will visit Kosovo soon. What is the purpose of this visit and do you plan to visit Serbia as well, or will you wait for the results of the April 3 elections there? And do you think Vuçiqi will be elected again?

Djukanovic: My visit to Pristina has already been announced and will take place in the coming months. This I would say is a regular calendar of talks at the highest level. I have not been on an official visit to Kosovo until now, I am happy about this visit. I want that in this way we contribute to our better interstate understanding, that through this understanding we jointly contribute to better quality stability and a clearer European perspective of the region, and that of course in this way we give contribution to the tradition of good Montenegrin-Albanian relations.

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time: How is your relationship with President Vjosa Osmani and Prime Minister Albin Kurti?

Djukanovic: The relationship is very, very good. So, it is a relationship of appreciation, of mutual respect, of good neighborliness. Wherever we meet and we have met and talked in many places, I would say that it has been a very exemplary relationship. I am sure that as heads of both states we will contribute to better trust between our states and that we will continue this practice and tradition. When it comes to my potential visit to Serbia, this is out of the question for now. You are clear, this cannot be discussed, the cause of the damaged political relations between our two states during the last years. As for my readiness, it is always absolute, to talk with everyone, especially with the neighbors, especially with the states of the region according to clear political principles. And I am not one of those who choose interlocutors, nor am I the one who wants this or that president from Serbia. Serbia elects its president, let him choose with luck as the citizens of Serbia wish. As for me, this matter does not concern me. However, there is always my willingness, as the president of Montenegro, to talk with the state leadership of Serbia about all issues that contribute to better interstate relations.